Skip to main content

Full text of "History of Warwick School : with notices of the collegiate church, gilds, and borough of Warwick"

See other formats
























loViH <-^ 

3in '■• 

Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 


This History owes its inception to a query addressed to me 
some twelve years ago by Dr. J. P. Way, then Headmaster of 
Warwick, now Headmaster of Rossall School. Apropos of the 
name ' The Kings Newe Scole of Warwyke,' the legal title of 
Warwick Grammar School from 1545 to 1875, Dr. Way 
wanted to know what was the old school, if King Henry vm.'s 
foundation was the new school. As I knew that Warwick 
possessed an ancient collegiate church, and all, or nearly all, 
ancient college-churches maintained grammar schools, I ven- 
tured to predict that it would be found that the school 
existed from the twelfth century, and probably from pre- 
Conquest times. On consulting Dugdale's Monasticon, to see if 
there was any trace of the school in the account of the collegiate 
church, there leaped to sight, not merely, as hoped, some 
casual and incidental mention of the school in early times, 
but, among the earliest deeds relating to the church, a whole 
charter entirely devoted to the school, and other charters 
specifically dealing with it, putting its origin definitely back to 
pre-Conquest times. Eeference to the original ' Chartulary,' 
or copy deed-book, of St. Mary's, now preserved in the Eecord 
Office, from which Dugdale printed these charters, revealed 
other mentions of the school, including school statutes of the 
thirteenth or fourteenth centuries. Before these discoveries 


were communicated to Dr. Way, he had himself resorted to 
Dugdale, and was equally pleased to find the pre-Norman anti- 
quity of the school. 

It seems strange that though these documents have been in 
print for more than two hundred years, in such a well-known 
collection of documents as the Monasticon, under the heading 
of St. Mary's Collegiate Church, Warwick, no notice was 
taken of them, and their import was never realised until 

Further researches not only confirmed the continuous exist- 
ence of the school, certainly from the days of King Edward 
the Confessor, but have shown its successive habitations in 
the reign of King Edward the Fourth and King Edward the 
Sixth, of Queen Elizabeth, Queen Mary n., and Queen Victoria. 

A short statement of the salient points of these discoveries 
was published by me in an article in the Westminster Gazette 
in July 1894, and communicated to the Warwick public by 
Dr. Way at the Speech-day in that year. A few years later, 
anxious that so ancient a history should not again sink into 
oblivion, and to prevent distorted versions of it, which were 
current, Dr. Way asked me to undertake a regular history of 
the School. So in 1900, Dr. Way, in conjunction with Mr. R. C. 
Heath, the clerk to the Governors, and, as the later history 
will show, no small benefactor to the school, issued a circular 
to old boys and others interested, soliciting contributions of 
reminiscences and sketches of their school life. The response 
was sufficient to warrant proceeding with the work. But 
meanwhile the School had fallen on evil days. If the book 
had been published then, the contrast between the lean years 
then prevailing and the fat years previously would have 
been too pronounced. So it was postponed until happier 


times ensued after the coming of Mr. W. T. Keeling in 1902. 
It is unfortunate that the inevitable delays of publication 
have further prevented its appearance till now, when, as it is 
passing through the press, comes the news of Mr. Keeling's 
departure to King Edward vi.'s School, Grantham, another 
ancient school, the antiquity of which is obscured by a 
modern name. 

As the history of the School is inextricably mingled with 
the history of the borough in which it stands, and the church 
which maintained it for, say, the first 530 or 485 years of 
its existence, no apology is offered for including a full dis- 
cussion of the origin of Warwick, the Castle, the borough, 
and the Earldom, and a history of the Collegiate Church. 
Those to whom such things are caviare are recommended to 
skip Chapters n., III., and iv. altogether ; while they may like 
to use the same short way with the account of the Trinity 
Gild of Warwick in Chapter vi. and the Chantry of Guy's 
Cliff in Chapter v. 

Thanks must be given to the Old Warwickians who have 
contributed their labours to the making of this story. First 
and foremost comes Archdeacon Baly, whose racy memory 
has rescued from oblivion the almost prehistoric days of 
George Innes, headmaster from 1793 to 1843; then the 
Rev. S. Hirons and Mr. R. C. Heath in the early and Mr. T. 
Kemp and Mr. A. E. Bo wen in the later days of Herbert Hill, 
from 1843 to 1875; Mr. A. E. Bo wen under Mr. Macmichael, 
1875-1880; Mr. Norman Lane and Mr. A. Matthews under 
William Grundy, 1880-1885; Mr. W. V. P. Hexter, Mr. 
R. F. J. Sawyer, and Mr. G. E. Gordon under Dr. Way, 
1885-1896 ; the two latter also covering part of Mr. Percival 
Brown's time to 1897. 


Special acknowledgment is also due to Mr. T. Kemp, who, 
with his unrivalled knowledge of the records at Warwick, has 
generously given stores of extracts for reproduction in the 
book. To Mr. Davies is due the chapter on the Athletic 
record of the School. To Dr. Way and Mr. Keeling the 
author is indebted for much help. 

Above all, those interested in the history of the Collegiate 
Church are indebted to Dr. Gore, who when Bishop of 
Worcester allowed me the use at home of the Episcopal 
Registers, from which a large part of it has been derived. 

Lastly, the author may, with the medi£eval scribe, say — 
Finis nunc operi ; laus erit usque Deo. 


34 Elm Park Gardens, S.W., 
3rd April 1906. 




Warwick one of our oldest schools — Direct documentary evidence 
of pre-Conquest origin — Rival claims of two colleges — Writ of 
Henry i. confirming to All Saints' College in Warwick Castle 
the rights over the School as it existed in the days of Edward 
the Confessor — Earl Roger of Newburgh's grant of the School 
to St. Mary's College in Warwick town. ... 1 


The origin of Warwick — First historic mention in 914 — Celtic 
Warwick mythical — Ethelfled, Lady of the Mercians, and 
the Danes — The system of burhs — Ethelfled probable founder 
of the Castle, College, and School — Warwick in Domesday — A 
royal burgh — Its boatswains — St. Mary's hide of land at 
Myton — The Earls of Warwick — No Earl in Domesday — The 
Earldom given by William Rufus or Henry i. to Henry of 
Newburgh — Thurkill of Arden and Warwick. . 


The two Collegiate churches — Earl Henry of Newburgh's grants to 
St. Mary's, 1115-1123— All Saints' Collegiate Church in the 
Castle the mother-church — Priory of St. Helen's, Warwick — Its 
canons of the Holy Sepulchre — The translation of the canons of 
All Saints' to St. Mary's— Union of All Saints' and St. Mary's by 
Earl Roger, 1123 — Confirmation by Simon, Bishop of Worcester 
— Possessions of the united College — One Church, one 
School. ........ 23 




The constitution of the Collegiate Church of St. Mary — Its models 
— Letter from Chapter of Salisbury, 1155 — Number of the 
canons — The college in 1280 and 1291 — Bishop Giffard and 
Earl Beauchamp's intended augmentation, 1285 — Bishop 
Whittlesey's Inquiry, 1367 — Restitution and annexation of 
churches — Earl Thomas Beauchamp rebuilder of the choir — 
The canons' houses — College of the Vicars-Choral, 1340 — The 
four dignitaries : Dean, Schoolmaster, Precentor, Sacrist — The 
relics and jewels. ...... 



The School, 1123-1545— The Schoolmaster or Chancellor— The 
Schoolmaster's jurisdiction, 1155 — Statutes of the Grammar 
School and Song School by Dean Robert of Leicester, 
thirteenth or fourteenth century — The Grammar School, the 
secondary ; the Song, the elementary School — The Song School 
not permitted to trench on the province of the Grammar School 
— Presidents and parallels — The Donatists — JElius Donatus 
and the Donet — The School in the fifteenth century — John 
Rows, historian and antiquary ; old Warwickian, chantry 
priest of Guy's Cliff — The Rows Rol — The School in the 
disused church of St. John in the market-place, 1465-1545 — 
The Song Schoolmaster and choristers, 1464-1535. ... 62 


Dissolution and Refoundation — The College of St. Mary's surrendered 
and dissolved, 1544 — The School removed to the Gild Hall and 
saved by the Gild of Warwick— The Trinity Gild in St. Mary's, 
St. George's Gild in St. James's chapel over the Hanging Gate, 
1383— Their ordinances, 1389— Union of the Gilds, circa 1400 
—The Gild Hall, 1447— The Gild and the Bridge— The Charter 
of Refoundation, 15 May 1545 — Grant of part of property of the 
College to the corporation of Burgesses ^for 'the King's Newe 
Scole of Warwyke ' and the Vicarages — The Municipal Charter 
incorporating the borough, 22 November 1554 — The endowment 
of King Henry vm.'s charity in 1545 and 1569. . . 91 




The Elizabethan Era— The Black Book of Warwick, 1561-1588— 
The School in the Burghers' Hall, now the Leicester Hospital — 
Thomas Oken's charity, 1571 — The Grammar School and the 
Petties' School — Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, installed 
Knight of St. Michael 1571, founds the Leicester Hospital in 
the Gild Hall — Negotiations with the burgesses —The trade of 
Warwick — The trade gilds or companies of Warwick — The 
chapel of St. Peter over the East Gate granted by Leicester 
for the Grammar School — Queen Elizabeth's visit, 1572 — John 
Fisher's Book, 1580 — Humfrey Waryng first schoolmaster named 
— Mr. Thomas Hall, master 1594— John Owen the epigrammatist, 
master c. 1595 — His epigrams — His pupils — His monument in 
St. Paul's Cathedral. . . . . . .111 


The School in the seventeenth century — Schoolmasters under the 
Stewarts — Mr. Thomas Dugard's mission to King Charles i., 1636 
— King Henry viii.'s charity in Chancery, 1632-6 — The Decree — 
The School during the Commonwealth — Mr. Glover, 1657 — The 
School at the Revolution — Mr. William Eades, vicar, school- 
master, and Romanizer — The Great Fire of Warwick, 1694 — 
The Vicars-Choral College bought for a Schoolhouse, 1699. . 135 


The School in the eighteenth century — The School flourishes under 
the Lydiats — Founder's kin at Winchester College — Fellows 
of New College— Richard Lydiat, 1701— The Fulke Weale 
Exhibitions founded, 1729 — Francis Lydiat, 1720-62— 
Another Chancery suit, 1735-9 — Increase of Stipends — Rev. 
James Roberts, master 1762 — Failure of Petition for his 
removal, 1778 — Decay. ...... 148 


The School in the early nineteenth century — George Innes, Head- 
master 1793 — Expelled Scholar of Winchester, Fellow of 
Magdalen, Second Master of Rugby — Character by Nimrod 
— A period of prosperity as a boarding-school — Gout, 1812 
— The School neglected — The Municipal Corporation Com- 



mission Inquiry, 1834 — Archdeacon Baly on the School in 
1832-7 — The Churchyard as a playground — Steeplechases 
over tombstones — Another Chancery suit, 1835-44 — A Scheme, 
1844. ....... 155 


A new start —Herbert Hill, Headmaster 1844— .Scholar of Win- 
chester, Fellow of New College, tutor of Matthew Arnold, 
Master at Rugby — Mrs. Hill, Southey's daughter — Affection 
for his pupils — The godless University of London. . . 175 


Movements for Reform — Abortive Inquiry by Charity Commission, 
1854 — The Schools Inquiry Commission — Mr. T. H. Green, 
1865— Another Charity Commission Inquiry, 1868 — Endowed 
Schools Commission Inquiry, 1872 — A struggle over person- 
alities — Scheme approved by Queen Victoria, 5 August 1875. 194 


A new start — Last days in the old College— Mr. Hill's farewell, 
Easter 1876— W. F. Macmichael, Headmaster— The new build- 
ings, 1880 — High Churchism. ..... 204 


The remaking of the School— William Grundy, Headmaster 1880 
—Scholar at Rossall, Scholar and Fellow of Worcester College, 
Oxford — Strenuousness and success — The Assistant-Masters — 
The Vurvicensian. ..... 212 


The present day— John Pearce Way, Headmaster 13 May 1885— 
Bath College and Brasenose College, Oxford — A University oar 
— The local and national elements combined — The Greek ques- 
tion—Mr. Davies— John Liddell— William Waite— The School 
Song — The Portcullis — Overflowing numbers — The Junior 
House— Percival Brown, Headmaster 16 May 1896. . .219 




The Athletic Record — Cricket — Warwick v. Birmingham and Strat- 
ford-on-Avon — Rugby Football — Athletic Sports — Fives — 
Swimming — Rifle Corps. . . . . .237 


William Theodore Keeling, Headmaster January 1902 — Scholar of 
Bradford and of Jesus College, Cambridge — Development and 
progress — Prosperity of the sister school, the Girls' High 
School— The Warwick Pageant, 1906— Valeat. . . 246 


The King's Grammar School, Warwick, and the River 

Avon ....... Frontispiece 

Henry I. confirms Warwick School as it was in the days 

of Edward the Confessor to face page 2 

Edward the Confessor, with Charters to Warwick and its 

School ...... page 4 

Charter of Roger, Earl of Warwick, granting Warwick 

to St. Mary's, 1123 .... to face page 6 

The Lady Ethelfled, as foundress of Warwick Castle . page 8 

The Lady Ethelfled's Mound, Warwick Castle . to face page 12 

Domesday Book, showing holding of St. Mary's Church 

in Myton ....... 16 

Roger of Newburgh, Earl of Warwick . . page 21 

Grant of Henry of Newburgh, 1st Earl of Warwick, to 

St. Mary's, about 1110 . . . to face page 22 

Union by Roger, Earl of Warwick, of the Colleges of All 

Saints and St. Mary, 1123 . . . „ 32 

College of the Vicars- Choral, afterwards the Schoolhouse . page 54 

Statute for Warwick Grammar School, and for Music 

Master, c. 1215 or 1315 . . . to face page 66 

Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick . . . page 85 

The Leycester Hospital, formerly the Gild Hall, and St. 

James's Chapel on the Hanging Gate, Warwick to face page 98 

Charter of Henry viii., 15 May 1545, for 'The King's 

Newe Scole of Warwyke ' . . „ 104 

The Leycester Hospital . . . . . „ 112 

John Owen, the Epigrammatist, Headmaster, c. 1594 . „ 134 

A Bit of the East Side of the College . . . page 146 

The Cloister at the Old School, formerly the College of 

Vicars-Choral ..... to face page 150 

The Rev. George Innes, Headmaster 1792-1842 . . „ 158 

The Headmaster's Study at the Old School, formerly the 

College of Vicars-Choral „ 164 




The Rev. Herbert Hill, Headmaster 1843-76 

A Corner of the Old School 

R. C. Heath, Head of the School, 1847 

The Cricket Ground 

The Rev. William Grundy, Headmaster 1880-85 

The Rev. John Pearce Way, Headmaster 1885-96 

The Dining HaU . 

The Chapel, 1902 . 

The Junior House . 

The Cricket XL, 1905 

The Football XV., 1905 

The Rev. W. T. Keeling, Headmaster 1902 

The Big School .... 

to face 





to face 

























Few, very few are the institutions in England in these days of 
King Edward, 'the Seventh after the Conquest,' which can 
bring direct and documentary evidence of their descent from 
the days of King Edward the Confessor, the last of many 
Edwards before the Conquest. The King's Grammar School, 
Warwick, is one of these few. There are other ancient schools 
which may claim a pre-Conquest title, of equal or greater 
antiquity than that of Warwick. Among them, St. Paul's 
School, London, St. Peter's School, York, and the King's 
School, Canterbury, our veritable ' Oldest School,' must rank 
in an ascending scale of antiquity before the King's School, 
Warwick. But for none of them can positive evidence yet be 
produced of continuous connection between the existing school, 
as we find it after the Conquest, and the same school as it un- 
doubtedly existed on the day on which, in Domesday phrase, 
King Edward the Confessor ' was alive and dead.' In the case 
of Warwick School alone has the connecting link been found. 

In this case documents of title, which would be pronounced 
good legal evidence by any judge, could be produced in court. 

The chief document of title is a royal writ, a copy of which is 
to be found in the Chartulary, 1 or copy deed-book, of St. Mary's 
Collegiate Church, War wick, now preserved in the Eecord Office. 2 

1 Chart., No. 19, f. 11. 

2 Exch. Q. R. Miscellaneous Books, 22. This MS. is in this book referred 
to as Chart. 


It is headed in the Chartulary ' Confirmation by King Henry of 
the customs and ordeals of iron and water, and of the School 
of Warwick.' The original of this, as of nearly all the docu- 
ments in the Chartulary, is in Latin. Translated it runs : — 

1 Henry, King of the English, to T., Bishop of Worcester, and R., 
Bishop of Chester, and Earl Roger and Geoffrey of Clint[on] and 
all barons of Warwickshire, greeting. 

' I command that the Church of All Saints, Warwick, have all its 
customs and the ordeals (Judicia) of iron and water, as well and 
lawfully (juste) as they used to have them in the time of King 
Edward, and of my father and brother, and have the School 
(scolas) 1 in like manner. Witness the Bishop of Lincoln at 

As is usual with these early documents, the writ is not dated ; 
and the date has to be inferred from the persons mentioned 
in it. The king is Henry L, the only King Henry who was 
described by the simple and proud title of King of the English. 
Schools and ordeals being a matter of both ecclesiastical and 
civil concern, the writ is addressed to the chief ecclesiastical 
and civil authorities of the place. First comes the bishop of 
the diocese, the Bishop of Worcester, Teulf or Theodwulf, or 
Theoldus, as he is called in another document, who was con- 
secrated 2 27 June 1115, and died 20 October 1123. 'R, Bishop 
of Chester,' might be either of two Roberts who succeeded one 
another in the see of Chester, one from 1086 to 1117, and the 
other, Robert Peche, from 13 March 1121 to 22 August 1126. 
The direction of the writ to the Bishop of Chester at all 
requires explanation. In Domesday Book the Bishop of 
Chester is put before the Bishop of Worcester, in Warwick- 
shire, though he only held three manors in the county, one of 
which belonged to the church of St. Chad, presumably St. 

1 Rows in his Latin Boll quotes it as ' scolam.' At that time the use of 
the singular for a school was again becoming the fashion, though in official 
documents it is not usual till Henry viii.'s reign. Here and always the 
spelling Rows is adopted, because, singularly enough, at a time when 
people's names were often spelt in half a dozen different ways in the 
same document, this Warwick Grammar School boy always spells his 
Rows. It was probably pronounced Roos, is translated Rossus, and said to 
mean ' the red. ' 

2 Bishop Stubbs's Episcopal Sticcession. 



I ( i ( 8 ^J <* 

(JJfe l § 4- | %■:■ 














Chad's Cathedral, Lichfield. In 1102 the see of Chester had 
been moved from Chester to Coventry, which is in Warwick- 
shire, and the title of Coventry and Lichfield eventually 
superseded that of Chester. While, however, Coventry and 
that part of Warwickshire surrounding Coventry was and is 
in the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, Warwick and the 
western part always remained in the diocese of Worcester. 
There being two bishops in the county, and the possessions of 
All Saints' Church being in both dioceses, the writ was addressed 
to both. Earl Roger was addressed as the principal layman 
of the county, being Earl of Warwick. He had succeeded his 
father on 20 June 1123. Geoffrey of Clinton was probably 
Sheriff of Warwickshire, having received, it is said, 1 the 
sheriffdom as a hereditary gift on marrying the earl's 
daughter, Agnes. The witness of the Bishop of Lincoln does 
not help us much to a date, as his name is not given. But it 
must have been Alexander, elected in Lent or at Easter, and 
consecrated on 22 July 1123. It is a question whether a 
bishop was so called, and not merely 'elect' until his con- 
secration. 2 If he was not called Bishop simpliciter before 
consecration, then the earliest date possible for the document 
must be 22 July 1123. In any case, it must be between 
Roger's accession to the earldom, 20 June, and Bishop 
Theodwulfs death, 20 October 1123. 

Here, then, is the evidence of a royal writ that the Church 
of All Saints was entitled to govern and keep a school in 
1123 under Henry I., as it had under William II., William the 
Conqueror, and Edward the Confessor. It was also entitled to 
hold the trials by ordeal : the ordeal of water, the old Saxon 
method of 'sink or swim' in water with hands tied behind 
the back, and the ordeal of iron, carrying a red-hot iron in 
the hand or walking on red-hot ploughshares barefoot, as in 
the celebrated case of Queen Emma. 

Short of a pre-Conquest document itself, there could not be 
better evidence that Warwick possessed a school under the 

1 Rows' Latin Roll under Earl Roger. But if he did receive it as a 
hereditary gift, he did not succeed in retaining it as such. 

2 Feudal England, by J. H. Round, Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1895, 
p. 484. Mr. Round, by the way, makes Alexander's consecration take place 
on 22 July on p. 484, and on 22 June on p. 485. The former is correct. 



tutelage of All Saints' Church in the days of King Edward 
the Confessor. 

Edivard the Confessor , 
ivitk Charters to 
Warwick and its School. 
The Rows Rol, 12. 

But what was the cause of the royal writ, and why do we 
find a copy of a writ for the benefit of a Church of All Saints 


in the Chartulary, not of All Saints, but of St. Mary ? What 
became of the Church of All Saints, for there is no ancient 
Church in Warwick known under that title now, 1 and what 
was it ? The answer to these questions is forthcoming out of 
various documents in the Chartulary. 

A few pages earlier than the royal writ we are confronted 
with the following, at first sight, confusing document, 2 headed 
' Charter of the same (viz. Earl Roger) for the School of 
Warwick {de scolis Warwici) given to the Church of St. Mary.' 

1 R., Earl of Warwick {comes de Warewic) to all his faithful people 
of Warwick, greeting. Know that I have granted and given in 
alms for myself and my ancestors to the Church of St. Mary of 
Warwick the School (scolas) of the same Church of Warwick, that 
the service of God in the same church may be improved by being 
frequented by scholars. We order, therefore, that the said church 
may hold it quietly and freely, and that no one by any violence 
may take the school from the church. Farewell.' 

The witnesses are Robert of Newburgh, and G., whom other 
documents 3 show to be Geoffrey, the earl's brothers ; Countess 
Gundreda, his wife ; Thurstan of Montfort, Edwin the bailiff, 
Walter, chaplain, and others, of whom Mahal of Stafford is 
probably the son of Robert of Stafford, one of the great 
Domesday landholders in Warwickshire and Staffordshire. 

This document, like the former, is undated, and there being 
unfortunately no bishops or other magnates mentioned in it, 
except Earl Roger himself, it can only be dated as not earlier 
than Earl Roger's accession, 20 June 1123. It is, however, in 
all probability, earlier than the royal writ, which seems to 
have been an answer to and supersession of the earl's grant. 
The two conflicting documents, the earl's deed and the king's 
writ, represent and record the conflict of two rival churches, 
All Saints' in the Castle and St. Mary's in the town, both 
collegiate churches of secular canons, such as Westminster and 
Windsor are now. 

1 The present Church of All Saints only represents a new ecclesiastical 
district carved out of St. Nicholas's parish in 1861, and the adoption of the 
name is most unfortunate as tending to obscure and confuse history. 

2 Chart., No. 12, f. 8b. 

3 e.g. The testatum given in the facsimile of f. xj of the Chartulary. 


The writ was probably the result of an appeal by the 
Church of All Saints to the King's Court against the grant 
by the earl to the Church of St. Mary's of the School of the 
Church of Warwick, or, what was the same thing, the School 
of Warwick. The writ confirmed to All Saints' the right, 
and — since overlapping in secondary schools was not allowed 
in those times, nor at any time before the Revolution — 
the exclusive right to keep a school in Warwick. The writ 
must have been founded on the claim and the establishment 
of the claim of All Saints' to be the 'mother church,' the 
principal as well as the oldest church of Warwick, against St. 
Mary's, which had tried to usurp that title and the rights 
belonging to it, and had been aided and abetted in its usurpa- 
tion by the earl of the county and lord of its capital. 

How there came to be two rival collegiate churches and 
rival claimants of Warwick School at this early date is a 
question that carries us back to the origin and early history 
of the town of Warwick itself. 

Cptta <m&m ^ rtdU SMfcio «$tf 


u|*t»^j*j*l» d^wftW 

#^°% v 

Charter of Roger, Earl of Warwick, granting Warwick School to St. Mary's, 1123. 



The earliest appearance of Warwick in history is in the Saxon 
Chronicle under the year 914. In 9 1 2 we read, ' died iEthered, 
ealderman of the Mercians, and King Eadward,' who was his 
brother-in-law, ' took possession of London and Oxford and all 
the lands which belonged thereto/ 

In 913: 'In this year, God granting, iEthelflsed, the lady 
of the Mercians/ iEthered's widow, ' with all the Mercians went 
to Tamworth, and built the burh there in the early summer ; 
and before the following Lammas (Lammas Day, the loaf or 
wheat harvest, was 1 August) that at Stamford. Then in the 
year after this (914) at Eddisbury in the early summer, and 
afterwards in the same year towards the end of harvest, that at 
Warwick.' The name in the original is written Wseringwicon, in 
which Kemble would have had no difficulty in seeing the Wick 
of the Warings, 1 though other Anglo-Saxon etymologists assert 
that it means the Wick of the Mound. It is one which may 
dispense us from the vain pursuit of Warwick as ' Cayrwayre ' 
and ' Carewayr/ so called after an imaginary Gwayr, ' a noble 
prince 2 of the blood royal of the Britons, nigh cousin to King 
Arthur, one of the Nine Worthies, who did great cost of this 
town and named it after him Carewayr.' * This lord, or one of 
his successors of the Britons/ says Bows, introduced the 
famous emblem of the ragged staff, ' a ragged staf of silver on 
a felde of sable/ as his arms — some five or six centuries before 
coats of arms were invented — because ' on a time he met with 

1 Wseringwicum in MS. C. = 'at the dwellings of the Waerings'; wicum 
being the dative plural as usual in place-names. Professor Skeat says the 
' Wick of the Mound ' is impossible. Wseringa-wic, or the wick of the weir, 
is possible. Wer means a mill-dam, not a mound in any other sense. 

2 The Rows Rol, No. 5. 




a giant that ran on him with a tree shred and the bark off, 
but the lord had grace with him and was a " dely ver " man and 

The Lady Ethel/led, 
as foundress of 
fVarivick Castle. 
The Rows Rol, n. 

overcame the "geant."' But we really cannot accept this 
Gwyer or Ware as an historical personage. Still less need 


Warwick be claimed as Caerleon and its founder as 'King 
Guthelyne, hole kyng of Grete Brytayn,' even though he ' was 
a great builder, and made this borough abowte the byrthe of 
Kyng Alysander, the grete Conquerour, on of the IX worthy.' 
What though 'Dan Thomas Wynchecombys ' works in the 
Abbey of Evesham are ready to vouch it, and Master Gerald 
Barre and Gildas between them accommodatingly provide 
three Caerleons to choose from. Whether there was or was 
not a British ford and fort on the site of Warwick we do not 
know. We cannot regard as history the romances of Geoffrey 
of Monmouth, and we may disregard the ' Walshe Cronycles ' 
cited by Rows in general terms, et quicquid Gallia mendax 
Audet in historia, and remain on the firm ground of the Saxon 

The fortification of Warwick was a part of a grand series of 
castle-buildings undertaken by Edward the Elder, King of the 
West Saxons, and his sister Ethelfled, lady of the Mercians, 
which resulted in the reconquest of England from the Danes 
and the establishment of Edward and his more famous son, 
Athelstan, as real kings, not of Wessex and Mercia only, but 
of England. It is the earliest recorded instance in English 
history of war conducted on a scientific plan. The fame of 
Edward has been overshadowed by that of his father, Alfred, 
and his son, Athelstan. But if Alfred harassed the Danes in 
battle and won successes in ' the stricken field,' he lived and 
died king of only part of Wessex. It was left for Edward and 
his sister, the widow of the alderman of the Mercians, to 
establish a concerted scheme of advance, consolidated at 
every step by the establishment of forts which proved im- 
pregnable to the military skill of that day. If Alfred was the 
Roberts, Edward was the Kitchener, of the Danish War. The 
great advance took place on the death of Ethelfled's husband 
in 912. Edward at once took possession of London and 
Oxford, hitherto Mercian, and the same year commanded ' the 
North burn' at Hertford to be built. His sister began 
fortifying the West, presumably to stop the Welsh from 
coming to the Danes' assistance, at ' Scargeat ' (wherever that 
may be) and Bridgnorth. Next year she completed a line 
east from Bridgnorth by building castles at Tamworth and 


Stamford. She then extended the western line northward to 
Eddisbury, in Cheshire, and south-east to Warwick ; and next 
year, 915, north as far as Runcorn and west to Chirbury. 
Then Edward advanced from the south, building ' both burhs ' 
at Buckingham in 915, taking Bedford two years afterwards, 
and securing it by a new burh south of the river, in 
addition to that on the north. The chronology then becomes 
somewhat obscure owing to variations between the different 
copies of the Chronicle. But it is clear that the Midland 
Danes in the area of the Five Boroughs, their stronghold in 
Central England, were caught between two lines of 'block- 
houses.' They ' broke out,' but in vain. Derby was taken by 
Ethelfled by assault; 'there were slain four of her thegns 
within the gates, which was great sorrow to her/ Leicester 
then surrendered without a struggle. So far-reaching were 
the effects of her campaign that York was under promise of 
surrender when the victorious lady died at Tamworth in 917 
or 922, to be buried beside her husband at Gloucester. The 
advance continued. Edward incorporated Mercia under his 
direct sovereignty. The Danes unsuccessfully attacked two 
of the burhs at Wigmore and Towcester, and the latter was 
therefore strengthened with a stone wall, instead of, presum- 
ably, a mere earthwork and palisade, while at Nottingham 
he built the burh on the south side of the river and a 
bridge between them. The policy of blockhouses was suc- 
cessful. The Danes gave way on all sides. 'The army* at 
Cambridge submitted. In 924 the Scots, the Northumbrians, 
and the Strathclyde Welsh 'chose King Edward for father 
and lord.' 

What exactly is meant by building a burh need not be here 
discussed at length. It has hitherto been perhaps rather 
assumed than proved that the mound in the castle grounds 
at Warwick is Ethelfled's burh, and that all her burhs 
were mounds, probably with a timber house and palisade at 
the top. In many places, as at Oxford and Tamworth, we find 
Norman or later keeps or castles on the tops of the mounds. 
That the burhs were not always mere earthworks and palisades 
is, however, proved by the entry in the Saxon Chronicle as 
to Towcester being afterwards strengthened by a stone wall. 


The English origin of the mounds themselves has recently 
been impeached. The theory is now advanced that the 
' castles ' of William the Conqueror were not stone keeps and 
rings of stone walls, but mounds. It is argued that the 
absence of any building of the Conqueror's date on the mounds 
shows that the ' castles/ of which Orderic Vitalis marks the 
absence in England, were these mounds. There are no 
remains, it is argued, because there were no stone buildings, 
as it would be impossible to erect a solid stone building on an 
artificial mound for many years after its first erection. To do 
so would be to ' build on the sand.' The inevitable settlement 
would inevitably ruin the building. On the other hand, it is 
argued, that in some places where a burh is said to have 
been built, there is now no mound. Hence it is urged that 
what Ethelfled did was merely to fortify a town or borough 
with a ditch and palisade, not build a fort on a mound. One 
may remember, however, in this connection Luther's hymn, 
'Ein feste burg ist unser Gott' — 'a strong fortress is our 
God.' Etymologically, burh must be connected with barrow, 
which inevitably suggests a mound. As the arx of the 
Roman and the Acropolis of the Greek witness, an eminence 
has always been selected as the most eligible site for a fortress. 
Certain it is that, where there was no natural hill, the mounds 
remain where Edward and Ethelfled are said to have built 
burhs — at Oxford and Tamworth, at Stamford and Warwick. 
Besides, the phrases used in the Chronicle certainly do not 
look like planting a new fortified town, or merely walling or 
embanking an existing town. They point emphatically to a 
new work. Especially is this so in cases such as Buckingham, 
where we read of building ' both burhs ' ; or such as Bedford, 
where a new 'burh' was built south of the river; or as 
Stamford, where Ethelfled built 'that,' i.e. the burh in 913, 
and in 922 Edward built another burh south of the river; 
or Nottingham, where Edward built a new ' burh ' with a 
bridge to the old one. It is really too much to ask us to 
believe that in all these places there were two towns planted 
one on each side of the river ; and that when the second burh 
was built, it was a new town that was added to protect the 
old. We might as well believe that the erection of Kruger's 


famous fort at Johannesburg was the creation of a new town 
of burghers to overcrow the Outlanders. 

The existence of the two sets of collegiate churches in so 
many of these places, one in the town, one in the castle, both 
appearing in Domesday and both apparently of pre-Conquest 
origin, strengthens the view that the burh was a fortress. 
The destruction marked almost everywhere in the extensions 
of the castles by William the Conqueror shows indeed that 
Ethelned's fortifications were out of date ; and were probably 
too small for the powerful ' balistas ' and other missile-hurling 
implements which the progress of the art of war had pro- 
duced. Even in Warwick, which could hardly have been a 
fortress of the first class, four houses belonging to the Abbot 
of Coventry were destroyed 1 ' for the site of the Castle ' 
(propter situm castelli), which no doubt must be taken to mean, 
as Rows takes it, to enlarge the site of the castle ; not to 
create the site for which, from the analogy of other places, 
four masurae, or mansions, would be wholly inadequate. 

Whatever the Lady Ethelned's burhs may have been, the 
towns in or by which they were planted are afterwards found 
as royal boroughs ; and at nearly all of them there was to be 
found a collegiate church and, by consequence, a grammar 
school. She seems to have aimed at consolidating by arts 
what she had achieved by arms ; educating the heathen when 
she had subdued them. Thus at Bedford and Bridgnorth, 
Stafford and Stamford, as well as at Warwick, we find ancient 
collegiate churches mentioned in Domesday, of the pre-Conquest 
existence of which there can be little doubt. In many of them 
there were two collegiate churches, one in the castle, and one 
in the town. At Stafford, besides the great Church of St. 

1 Oddly enough The Rows Rol quotes Domesday as showing that 26 
houses of the Abbot of Coventry were destroyed for the site of the Castle. 
* The sam King William enlarged the castel, and dikid the town and yatyd 
hyt, and for the enlargyng of the castel were pullyd down among oder 
xxvj howsys that were tenantyes to the hows of monks of Coventry, as ys 
wryte playne in Domesday the boke aforeseyd.' Rows either had a bad 
text, or misunderstood his original, as the text says, ■ Abbas de Coventreu 
xxxvj, et iiij sunt vaste propter situm castelli.' The xxxvj is, however, so 
closely written in the original as to look at first sight like xxvi ; but the 
number was the total number possessed by the Abbot, and only 4, not 26 
were destroyed. 








Mary's in the town, half ruined by Sir Gilbert Scott's 'restoring* 
touch, the parish of Castle Church still recalls the name of the 
church in the castle on its mound a mile out of the present 
town. At Bridgnorth there were churches both in the castle 
and the town. At Leicester the church of the secular canons 
of St. Mary in the Castle, though absorbed in the twelfth 
century in the later abbey of Augustinian canons at St. Mary's 
in the Meads {de pratis), and outshone by the fourteenth cen- 
tury foundation of St. Mary's in the Newark, the new work of 
the castle, was still collegiated at the dissolution. In all 
these places we find a grammar school in medieval times. 

At Warwick, however, Domesday Book reveals nothing of 
the church in the castle, and contains only a casual mention 
of St. Mary's ; the reason being, no doubt, that the possessions 
of either church consisted of churches and tithes, not of lands, 
and Domesday was a land-tax survey, not a general income-tax 
schedule. At the date of Domesday, 1086, Warwick was still 
a royal borough. There was no earl, and the county was only a 
vice-county or sheriffwick. The king was lord and direct owner 
of 113 1 out of the 244 houses (domus) of which the borough 
consisted, and took ' geld ' from another 112 belonging to various 
king's barons, of whom a list is given, it being added that 
' these mansions (masurae) belong to lands which these barons 
hold outside the borough and are there assessed.' In fact the 
Saxon lords seem to have possessed town houses in their 
county town, annexed to their country seats, and resorted to 
Warwick as their capital, very much as in the eighteenth 
century people still resorted to the county towns and to Bath 
for a winter season, and as country gentlemen now resort to 
London during the season ; though it seems probable that 
their duties were those of watch and ward in the county and 
burh, and not merely the amusement of their wives and 
daughters. Besides these, 'there are in the borough 19 bur- 
gesses holding 19 mansions, with sac and soc and all customs, 
and so held them in the time of King Edward.' In other 
words, apparently they held in free and common socage and 
paid no geld directly. ' In King Edward's time the sheriff- 

1 In burgo de Warwic habet rex in dominio suo cxiij domus et barones 
regis habent cxij, de quibus omnibus rex habet geldum suum. 


wick {vice-comitatus) with the borough and the royal manors 
brought in (reddebant) £65 and 36 sextars of honey, or 
£24. 8s. for all the honey and its appurtenances. Now it 
is worth, between the rent (firmam) of the royal manors and 
the pleas of the county, £145 a year by weight, with £23 for 
custom of dogs, 20s. for a sumpter mule, £10 for a hawk, and 
100s. for "earnest" (gersuma) to the Queen. Besides this they 
render 24 sextars of honey of the great measure and from the 
borough 6 sextars of honey, a sextar being worth 15d., of this 
the Count of Mellend takes 6 sextars and (?or) 5s.' 'The 
custom of Warwick was that when the king went on an 
expedition by land 10 burgesses of Warwick went for all the 
others. Any one warned to go and not going paid a fine of 
100s. to the King. If, however, the King went by sea against 
his enemies, they sent four boatmen (batsweins) or £4 in cash 
(iiij libras denariorum).' An early instance this of ship- 
money levied from an inland town. One can but com- 
miserate the four boatmen or boatswains, who plied their 
craft in the still waters of the Avon, when they joined the 
Severn at Tewkesbury and soon found themselves in the 
turbid estuary of the Bristol Channel, or even the storm-swept 
waters of the open Atlantic. It would appear that the military 
service of the burghers had been commuted in William's time, 
for the sums above mentioned paid for his sport of hunting 
and hawking. The importance of honey in Domesday is, of 
course, no surprise to those who remember that Virgil devotes 
the largest quarter of his poetical treatise on farming, called 
the Georgics, to the cultivation of the bee and its honey. 
Honey was the sole source of sweetness, and beer and mead 
the drink of the day, for breakfast, dinner, and supper. It is 
not surprising, therefore, that honey ranked with bread among 
the first necessaries of life. 

Just outside the borough of Warwick was the royal manor 
of Cotes, formerly held, not by King Edward, but by the Earl 
Edwin, and apparently in that manor, or on some intermediate 
land, were one hundred cottagers (bordarii) with small gardens 
or orchards (hortulis) paying 50s. a year in all for them, or 6d. 
apiece. The borough and this suburb, ' together with the third 
penny of their pleas, paid £17 a year in King Edward's time; 


when Robert took it to farm it was worth £30, and now (1085) 
paid the same with all the appurtenances.' 

Warwick was then one of the smallest and least important 
of midland county-towns. In Domesday it is not even called 
a city, as were Oxford, Leicester, and Stafford, though all of 
these subsequently lost the title, and was, of course, far below 
such great cities as Winchester and Lincoln. Its popula- 
tion and contributions in men and money were all less than 
its neighbour capitals, except Stafford, though, owing to the 
ruin that at some undetermined time and for some unknown 
cause had overtaken Oxford, Warwick contained at the mo- 
ment of Domesday nearly as many inhabited houses as Oxford. 
Warwick had 225 houses, and perhaps another 19 held by 
burgesses, as to which it is not clear whether they are included 
in the 225 or not, and 21 were waste; while Oxford had 243 
inhabited, and 478 waste. Lincoln had some 1064 houses. 

In Warwick the largest holder among the king's barons was 
the Abbot of Coventry, who held 36 houses, besides 4 which 
were demolished (uastae) 'for the site of the Castle.' Then 
came the Bishop of Worcester and the Count of Meulan 
(Mellent) and Ralph de Limesi with 9 each ; though the latter 
is only credited with 7 houses in Warwick in the separate 
detailed account of his lands. Robert of Stafford held 6 houses, 
and Turchil (such is the Domesday spelling) and Hugo de 
Grentemaisnil, the Sheriff of Leicestershire, 4 each. The 
largest landowners in the county, reckoning at least by the 
number of manors, were first, the Count of Meulan, who held 
16 ; bracketed second, the king, 9 ; the Abbot of Coventry, 9 ; 
then a large bracket of 4 each, by the Bishop of Worcester, 4 
(one of his being Stratford-on-Avon); Lady Godiva (Comitissa 
Godeva), also 4 (one of hers was Coventry itself, but her 
manors are said to be held by Nicholas, probably Nicholas 
Balistarius, 'the gunner,' at farm of the king); Turchil of 
Warwick, 4. Taking the number of separate items of land 
held by or under them, Turchil of Warwick comes first with 
65 holdings, the Count of Meulan next with 63; then Robert 
of Stafford with 26 ; the Abbot of Coventry, 19 ; William, son 
of Ansculf, 1 7 ; Hugh of Grentemaisnil, 1 6, half of which had 
been held by one Baldwin in Edward's time ; William, son of 


Corbucion, 16; G-oisfrid of Wirce, 12. But while the Count 
of Meulan's items were mostly in his own holding, Turchil of 
Warwick's items are, with the exception of six, said to be held 
of him by other people. Among the most notable of these 
was My ton, a place close to Warwick, just across the bridge 
over the Avon, where the school now stands on its own lands. 
There is some obscurity about the description of this place in 
Domesday. ' Muitone ' is the first item described among the 
lands of the Count of Meulan. ' The Count of Mellend (sic) 
holds of the King, Myton. There are 2 hides ; the arable 
land is for 8 ploughs. Earl Algar held it. In demesne is 
one [plough] and two male slaves, 6 villains and 11 bordars 
with 3 ploughs. There are 2 mills of 70s. and 12 acres of 
meadow. In King Edward's time it was worth £3, afterwards 
40s., and now £6.' But under Turchil's lands ' Moitone ' is 
again described : ' Of the fee of Turchil the Count of Mellend 
holds Myton.' Its contents are given in identical terms, except 
that there are said to be ' 7 villains and 7 cottagers,' and it is 
said to have been held by Earl Edwin, instead of by Earl 
Algar ; while it is added ' R. Halebold bought this land.' The 
count could hardly hold the same manor both of the king 
and of Turchil. There must have been two manors of Myton. 
Whether there was one Myton manor or two, part of it was 
at the time of Domesday held by the Church of St. Mary. 
For, a few items below that last quoted, is the entry, ' Of 
Turchil the Church of St. Mary of Waruuic holds a hide in 
Moitone. There is land for one plough. There are 3 cottagers 
with one plough, and a female slave. There are 4 acres of 
meadow. It was worth 5s., now 10s. Earl Edwin held it.' 
Earl Algar, or iElfgar, was the father of Earl Edwin, and this 
makes the puzzle of the double description of Myton, and the 
question whether there were two manors of Myton or one, 
none the easier to solve. Earl Edwin was Earl of the Mercians, 
brother of Morkar, Earl of Northumberland, whose refusal or 
neglect to help Harold rendered the Norman Conquest possible 
and easy. This entry is the only one in which St. Mary's 
Church is mentioned. It shows that the church was at least 
as old as Domesday Book; but though an endowment of a 
hide of land or 120 acres is considerable, yet it affords no 

T^t^.t. $a*% ttt funr. m .-bom cu* J .<^f,7un4'lndOU* 
ibt .tui'4* ^VAitr^^.m^^.^S^^cit^ 

cap In in*.* u>f/cu.i , WL ty^tt^.f^ 
\y\Vwo (urrtr'. tt 7tut. feiau.7^- t«&7#* Wifc ta 

Domesday- Book, showing holding of St. Mary's Church, Warwick, in Myton. 


evidence that St. Mary's was then a collegiate church. The 
record that Earl Edwin held the land in King Edward's time 
seems to show that the endowment was not given before the 
Conquest, but after Edwin's death in 1071 or 1072. 1 The great 
possessions of Thurkill of Warwick, of which comparatively 
few are recorded as previously held by him or his father, 
Alwyn the Sheriff, 2 also mostly accrued after Earl Edwin's 
death, Thurkill sharing with the king and the Count of 
Meulan, not, we hope, as the reward of treachery, most of the 
manors held by the earl. 

It is clear from this that at the time of Domesday there was 
no Earl of Warwick, that the town was a royal borough and 
the castle a royal castle. We must, therefore, reject the story 
of Ordericus Vitalis, accepted by Ereeman, echoed by the 
Dictionary of National Biography, that Henry of Newburgh, 
son of Roger de Beaumont, and brother of the Count of 
Meulan, was already, in 1067, made custodian of the Castle 
of Warwick, built by William the Conqueror. Ordericus 
represents it as the first of the series of castles founded by 
William, remarking that the lack of castles was the chief 
reason why the English, brave and warlike as they were, 
were too weak to resist their enemies. 'And so the King 
founded a castle at Warwick, and gave it to Henry, son of 
Roger de Beaumont (Bello monte) to keep. 3 Afterwards he 
made that at Nottingham.' But if so, it is remarkable that 
Henry did not at the time of Domesday hold a single rood 
of land in Warwickshire, or a single house in Warwick, while 
his elder brother, the Count of Mellent, was the holder of vast 
estates. It would be still more remarkable that Henry should 
be made governor of a castle, which was at the time the 
furthest outpost of Norman power in the unconquered Mercian 
land, when, even if we credit him with having attained the 

1 Freeman's Norman Conquest, iv. 464-5. 

2 This appears in Domesday under Bertanestane (f. 241a, 1), which is 
said to be held in pledge by Robert d'Oilgi, the great Oxford lord : ' Ailmar 
held it, and by the King's licence sold it to Alwin the Sheriff, Turchil's 

3 Ordericus Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica, pt. n. iv. 5. Norman Con- 
quest, iv. 464-5 ; followed by the Rev. W. Hunt in the Dictionary of 
National Biography. 



remarkable age, for those times, of seventy years at his death 
in 1123, he would have been barely fourteen. 

The great medieval historian of Warwick and its earls, 
John Rows, who may be called the father of scientific anti- 
quarianism in England, for if he does not give actually chapter 
and verse, he at all events gives general references to his 
authorities for all his assertions, supports the statement that 
the Conqueror gave the castle to Henry of Newburgh, and 
says that Henry 1 was by ' the grete benevolens of the Con- 
queror made " Earl of Warrewik " and lord of the sayd burgh.' 
He prefaces the statement, however, by saying that it was ' by 
tittle of his lady and wyfe, Dame Marguerite, daughter and 
eyr to Lord Thurkyl.' 2 Thurkyl, however, was not Earl, but 
only Sheriff of Warwick, and Domesday is conclusive evidence 
that there was no Earl of Warwick at that time. Moreover, 
Rows candidly admits 3 that he could find no charter from the 
Conqueror to show for the creation of the earldom. He makes, 
too, a statement absolutely irreconcilable with the grant of 
the custody of the castle to Henry of Newburgh in 1067. 
Henry, he tells us, was ' a Normande born, ner cosyn both to 
Seynt Edward, Kyng of England, and also to Kyng William 
the Conqueror, and yn his hosold browte up 4 of a chyld with 
the seyd King William yongest son, called Henry Beauclerk ; 
and after, by the grete menys and besy labers of the sayd 
Earl Henry, to whom he was play-ferer, 5 the forsaid Herri 
Beauclerk was exaltyd to the crown of England.' Now, 
Henry i.'s chief title to the crown, as against his elder brother 
Robert, was his being ' born in the purple,' born in England 
after his father became king of England, that is, after 1067, 
when Queen Matilda first came over from Normandy. Henry 
was, according to Ordericus Vitalis, thirty years old when he 

1 The Rows Rol. Ed. by William Courthope, Somerset Herald. London : 
W. Pickering, 1845. No. 31. 

2 Ibid. No. 30. 

3 The Rows Rol. Latin. College of Arms. St. George's MSS., iv. 83. 
Ad visum tamen carte creacionis hujus comitis nunquam potui attingere. 

4 ' Household brought up.' 

5 Play-mate. The proper word is 'Playfeere.' The Latin Roll says the 
Conqueror 'nutrivit eum cum juniori filio suo postea Rege Anglie, 
Henrico primo. ' 


was crowned, and was born therefore in 1069. It is fairly 
obvious that Henry's contemporary and ' play-fellow ' could not 
have been present at the battle of Hastings, or have been the 
governor of a castle before Henry was born, or governor of a 
frontier fortress at the age of three or thereabouts. 

The fact is that Henry of Newburgh does not make his 
appearance in English history during the Conqueror's reign 
at all. In 1080 he was a Baron of the Exchequer, not in 
England, but in Normandy, 1 having been perhaps, like King 
Henry ' Beauclerk,' brought up as a clerk. If he was made 
Earl of Warwick by the Conqueror, it must have been after 
the date of Domesday, in the last two years of the Con- 
queror's reign. 2 But it is a great deal more probable that 
he received the earldom from William Rufus. His earliest 
appearance as Earl of Warwick is in the Abingdon Abbey 
Chronicle. Some time in the reign of William the Conqueror, 
Thurkil of Warwick, or, as the Abingdon Chronicle calls him, 
Turkil of Arden, 3 had granted to Abbot Adhelm (a usurper 
put in by William on the imprisonment by him of the last 
English abbot in 1069, who was a friend of Turkil's), some 
land at Chesterton in Warwickshire, a place which its name 
implies to have been a Roman station, on the Foss Way. This 
grant was confirmed by Si ward his son, ' then a youth,' and by 
the Conqueror.* But ' the inheritance of Turkil of Arden was 
given by William junior at the beginning of his reign to 
augment the earldom of Henry, Earl of Warwick.' Earl 
Henry accordingly claimed from Abbot Rainold the lands 
as his own, as having been Turkil's. His claim seems to 
have been good, as while Hille is put down in Domesday 

1 Floquet's Essai sur VExchiquier de Normandie, p. 11. 

2 Mr. Round dates a charter to Preaux Abbey, witnessed by Henry and 
his brother, as being by William i. c. 1085, but he does not give the words 
of the grant. 

3 Abingdon Chronicle (Rolls Series), u. 8. 'Sicut Turchillus de Earden 
eidem (the abbot) ecclesiam in elesmosina dedit.' Turchil is decribed as 
' Turkillus quidam de Anglis valde inter suos nobilis, in partibus Ardene 
mansitans, Abbatis familiaritate et fratrum dum nonnunquam uteretur, de 
patrimonio suo terras duobus in locis ecclesie Abendonie concessit, quorum 
una Cestratun, altera Hille, filio ipsius Siwardo tunc siquidem adolescente 
paternum concessum confirmante. ' 

* Ibid. 


as a possession of the Abbot of Abingdon, and bought by him 
from Turkil, Chesterton is included under Turkil's lands, and 
one hide is said to be held by the abbot from Turkil, while 
another is said to be held by him 'in pledge/ that is, as 
mortgagee. However, Earl Henry's claim was appeased by 
a mark of gold, and he executed a deed confirming the 
property to the abbey, which deed was witnessed, it may be 
noted with a view to future transactions, by, among others, 
' Herlwin, priest,' and Richard, chaplain. Abbot Rainold 
succeeded Abbot Adhelm in 1085, so that it was after this, 
not before, and certainly not so early as Domesday, that Henry 
of Newburgh had become Earl of Warwick. For it is on 
William Rufus's death that Henry of Newburgh suddenly 
comes to the front as being mainly instrumental in procuring 
the recognition of Henry i. at Winchester. 

Ordericus Vitalis imputes the part played by Henry of 
Newburgh to his brother Robert, saying that c Henry hastened 
to London with Robert, Count of Mellent,' and that ' he wisely 
followed the advice of his seniors, namely, Robert, Count of 
Mellent.' But here again, as in the matter of the custody 
of Warwick Castle, Ordericus has apparently reversed the 
position of the two brothers. For William of Malmesbury 
says that Henry was elected 1 ' chiefly by the help of Henry, 
Earl of Warwick, an upright and religious man, with whom 
he had long had familiar intercourse.' Malmesbury is con- 
firmed by records. In Henry's coronation charter and again 
in the letter of recall to Anselin, the first lay witness is Earl 
Henry, and the next Simon, Earl of Northampton, while the 
Count of Meulan does not appear at all. In 1101, when 
Robert, Duke of Normandy invaded England, Robert, Count 
of Meulan, who was more interested in Normandy than 
England, and, from Ordericus Vitalis's account, lived habitually 
in Normandy, in his turn came to the front, not as a partisan 
of King Henry, but as a peacemaker between his two lords, 
Duke Robert and King Henry. On Ivo de Grantmesnil's 
leaving England in consequence of his share in the rebellion, 
the Count of Meulan obtained his Leicester possessions on 

1 Gesta Begum, v. § 393. ' Annitente maxime Comite Warwicensi Henrico, 
viro integro et sancto, ou jus familiari jamdudum usus fuerat contubernio. ' 



mortgage, and kept or acquired them in fee after Ivo's death 
on his way to the crusades. It is doubtful if the Grant- 


o c 













> sU L/v j\J Lr 

i 1/y 

Roger of Neivburgh, 

Earl of Warwick, 

ivho united the Colleges of 

All Saints' and St. Mary's 

and their Schools, 1 123. 

The Rows Rol, 32. 

mesnils ever were Earls of Leicester, though they took the 
* third penny' of the county revenues. Robert, Count of 


Meulan, apparently was never called Earl of Leicester, though 
Orderic describes him as being made ' Consul ' of Leicester, 
affected Latin for count, when he got the Grantmesnil lands. 
In his charter 1 granting the right to have a gild merchant to 
his merchant men of Leicester, he describes himself as Count 
of Mellent, and is so called in a writ to the Sheriff of Oxford 
directing that ' the men of Robert, Earl of Leicester, should be 
free of customs, as they were in the time of the Count of 
Mellent.' But that may of course only mean that Robert 
went by the Norman title which was used as the more 
distinguished. For on Robert's death on 1118 his possessions 
were divided between his twin sons, of whom Robert became 
at once Earl of Leicester and English, while Waleran, the 
other, became Count of Meulan and remained Norman. It 
seems probable that when Robert became Earl of Leicester, 
Henry of Newburgh became Earl of Warwick as the reward 
of acting, like his great successor in the fifteenth century, 
as a king-maker; and, like KiDg Henry himself, marrying 
an English wife, if indeed his wife was Turkil's daughter. 2 

1 Miss Bateson's Records of the Borough of Leicester, C. J. Clay, 1899. 

2 Of which there is no evidence. It is, on the other hand, certain that he 
married Margaret, daughter of Geoffrey, Count of Perche. 

Grant of Henry of Newburgh, first Earl of Warwick, 
to St. Mary's, about iiio. 



Probably St. Mary's was founded, aud was at all events 
enlarged, by the Count of Meulan. It was certainly earlier 
than the earldom of Warwick, but almost certainly later than 
the Conquest. The earliest grants of Earl Henry to St. Mary's 
are long after the days of the Conqueror, and not early in the 
days of Henry i. To these, and to their bearing on the history 
of church and school, we now return. 

In what seems to be the earliest of these deeds 1 'Henry, 
Earl {comes) of Warwick,' calls all, present and future, to 
witness that he ' has given for his own salvation, and that of 
Margaret his wife, and of his parents and ancestors, the church 
of Compton (Cumtona), with all its appurtenances, freely and 
quietly (quiete, i.e. quit of rent, tolls, or taxes), in perpetual 
alms to the Church of St. Mary of Warwick,' and that he con- 
firms it by that deed c to the intent that it may be for all time 
a prebend for one of the canons serving God there.' The wit- 
nesses were Margaret his wife, Siward of Arden, Thurstan de 
Montfort, Hugh Kichardson, Henry the butler (dapifero). 2 
Siward of Arden is, no doubt, the] son of Thurkill of Arden or 
Warwick. 3 Hugh Eichardson may be a son of Osbern Eichard- 

1 Chart., f. 7b. It is not part of the original MS., but is an insertion on 
a flyleaf in an early sixteenth-century hand. Since this was written, it has 
transpired, from a facsimile of it given in Lady Warwick's History of the 
Earls of Warwick (Hutchinson and Co., 1903), i. 66, that the original is at 
Warwick Castle, whence, no doubt, it was copied in the sixteenth century. 

2 So in this copy in the Chartulary. But in the original the witnesses are 
given in the nominative case, ' Hi sunt testes,' and the last is Henricus 
Seneschallus, the steward. 

3 Norman Conquest, iv. 782, quoting Abingdon Historia, n. viii. 20-21. 



son, one of the Domesday landholders, who was perhaps a 
Fleming, as he was settled with nine Flemings at Easton, 
formerly held by Earl Elgar. Compton was, in Domesday, 
one of the manors of the Count of Meulan, and its being now 
in the possession of his brother suggests that on the death of 
Roger of Beaumont, the elder brother, the Count of Meulan 
took the ancestral estates in Normandy, and gave up the 
newly acquired possessions in England to the younger. A 
similar division took place between the English and Norman 
estates on the death of Robert de Meulan, the elder son be- 
coming Count of Meulan, and the younger Earl of Leicester ; 
just as Robert, the elder son of the Conqueror, became Duke 
of Normandy, and his younger brother William, King of 
England. Domesday records that there were in Compton 7 
slaves and 14 villains, with a priest, so that there was already 
an endowed church there. 

The next deed is wordier and more magniloquent. It was 
witnessed by ecclesiastics. 'Henry, by the mercy of God, 
Consul of Warwick, Margaret my wife, and Roger our son,' 
grant to William ' my chaplain, all his holding, that which he 
holds in alms as a prebend, that which he holds as a (lay ?) 
fee.' The ' alms,' or endowment as we should say, were 'what- 
ever Herlewin the priest, William's ancestor' (these were days 
when celibacy had not yet been enforced on the clergy of 
England ; and antecessor may well mean ancestor in blood, 
and not merely predecessor in title), ' held in church benefices, 
and a tithe of the toll of Warwick and of Ledsham mill.' 1 
The tithe of the toll of Warwick (we are specially informed) 
Herlewin had not held, probably for the very good reason that 
it had belonged to the king, and had not been the earl's to 
give. The ' fees ' were the land of Brailes (Braeles), the land 
on which he dwells, and a small house in Cotes. ■ All these 
Herlewin held free of all claims from the earl or his men, 
great or small.' All these things, so far as they were ecclesi- 
astical, ' Theoldus,' Bishop of Worcester, and Hugh, his Arch- 
deacon, witnessed and confirmed. The witnesses are headed 

1 Mr. T. Kemp suggests that this is now represented by a piece of land 
called Ladsum, at Bridge End, now covered with water, in respect of which 
the Earl of Warwick sends yearly a fat buck to Oken's Feast. 


by four chaplains of the bishop, Gregory, the earl's doctor 
(medico, he was no doubt a clerk or ecclesiastic), Mr. Seuard 
or Seward, Wimund, the earl's chaplain, and Ralph, Salid, 
and Edwin, each described as canon, but whether of All 
Saints', St. Mary's, or of the Priory of the Holy Sepulchre, 
which Earl Henry had founded, does not appear. The lay 
witnesses are headed by Daufenisus (perhaps a Dauphin or 
man from Dauphin^), Anchetil, son of Robert, Hugh Richard- 
son, whom we have met before, Peter Williamson, and Siward, 
son of Turkil, the Siward of Arden of the last deed. Then 
after Nicholas of David town (David villa) came ' Randolph, 
master of Lord Roger,' the young lord Roger's tutor, though 
it is odd that he should be found among the laymen, as the 
tutor must have been pretty certainly a clerk, though not in 
holy orders. We can hardly claim him, though it is tempting 
to do so, as an early master of the Grammar School. The 
fact of Roger's being still young enough to have a tutor, 
though old enough to execute a deed, is another argument 
against his father being of age to act as Governor of Warwick 
Castle in 1067. There are more than a dozen other witnesses, 
whose names do not call for remark, except that Edwin Pre- 
positus must be translated Edwin the bailiff, not Provost of 
one of the collegiate churches, or he would have signed among 
the ecclesiastics. It is noteworthy that the fees granted were 
at the time of Domesday royal manors. Cotes was the 
populous suburb of Warwick. 

The date of this deed cannot be determined more exactly 
than as being between 15 June 1115, the date of the Bishop 
of Worcester's accession, and June 1123, the date of Earl 
Henry's death. It is not clear what the exact purport of the 
deeds is : whether they represent the beginning of the ' col- 
legiating' of St. Mary's, or whether they merely record the 
addition of two prebends to a church already collegiated, con- 
sisting, that is, of several canons who were also prebendaries. 
There is a tertium quid which they may portend, and that is 
the separation into prebends or separate estates of a church 
already collegiate, but in which the canons had a common estate 
and not separate prebends. On the whole, and seeing that Her- 
lewin was the earl's sole chaplain at the time of the confirma- 


tion of Chesterton to Abingdon Abbey, and that Compton was 
at all events a new possession of the earl's since Domesday 
Book, the probability is that these deeds represent one of the 
earliest stages in the creation of a new collegiate church of St. 
Mary, its conversion from the living of one parson into a 
college of several parsons, augmented by new gifts — first, the 
tithe of the toll of the borough of Warwick and of Ledsham 
mill ; and next, the church of Compton. 

These are the only deeds of Earl Henry. It will be observed 
that they concern St. Mary's only, and not All Saints' at all. 

Rows, however, says of Earl Henry : ' Special benefactor he 
was to the Colleges of Hallows in the Castle and of our Lady 
without the Castle in Warwick, and both he increased with 
prebends, and proposed to have made one college of them both 
an he had lived.' But ' he died 20 June 1123, and is buried at 
Preaus, 1 by Pont Odimere, in Normandi.' He was succeeded 
by his son Roger, whom Rows describes as 'Earl of Warwick and 
of Newburgh, a holy man that divers times in his own person 
visited the Holy Land. He fulfilled the virtuous purpose of 
his father, making one college of that of All Hallow in the castle 
and St. Mary in the town of Warwick.' It is improbable that 
Rows had any further knowledge than we have of what actually 
took place, and he probably derived his knowledge from the 
same deeds, though he had the advantage, perhaps, of the 
actual documents, and not merely their copies in the Char- 
tulary. But the writ of Henry i. seems to show that the 
original intention was simply to oust the College of All Saints' 
in favour of St. Mary's, until the royal writ foiled that inten- 
tion. For there seems every reason to think that the College 
of All Saints' in the Castle, and not St. Mary's, was the original 
and mother church of Warwick. Rows, indeed, gives the palm 
of antiquity to the Church of St. John the Baptist in the 
Market stead. This, he says, which 'in olde evidences was 
called the monasteri of Seynt Johan the Baptist,' had been 
founded by ' Sanctus Cardocus, seynt Craddok ' — better 
known as Caractacus — ' a mighty prince in his day, especially 
in the County of Hereford.' When 'his day' may have been, 

1 Pr^aux, by Pont Audemer, where was a priory of the foundation of the 


Rows does not vouchsafe to inform us, and only vaguely says 
that he had his story ' owt of Powisland by Welsh cronicles/ 
That St. John's was an ancient church is certain. Its parson, 
Everard, called 'Everard of St. John' in one deed, 1 and 
1 Everard, priest ' 2 in another, was one of the witnesses to a 
series of grants to St. Mary's in the twelfth century. That 
it may have been called * monasterium ' or ' monasteriolum,' in 
Latin, a term used to translate the English minster, which was 
specially appropriated to churches of the secular, not the 
regular, clergy, there is no reason to doubt. There is, ^however, 
equally ancient evidence of the existence of several other 
churches in Warwick. Besides, though Rows seems to impute 
greater antiquity to St. John's, he does not claim it as the 
mother church. He imputes the foundation of All Saints' in 
the Castle to St. Dubricius, 3 ' in the Welsh tongue called Seynt 
Deueroik, a grete letturde man, bishop of thys borowh, than a 
noble cyte called Cayrgwayre. . . . His see pontifical was then 
at Alhalow Churche in the Castel, and soo hyt contynued a 
colage tyl aftur the Conquest threscore yere, and then was hyt 
joyned to the College of our lady wyth in the town, and of 
thes ij colages were made on.' Dubricius, the ' high saint' of 
Tennyson's Idylls of the King, is a little too mythical a person 
for us, and had a little too wonderful a career. For, after conse- 
crating a mythical St. Sampson, Archbishop of York, who went 
to ' lytyll Britain,' and was then Bishop of Dol, Dubricius went 
to Wales and was first Bishop of LlandafT, then Archbishop of 
Caerleon, and finally ended his days as a hermit in the island 
of Steepholm in the Severn. Rows's statement, ' this I had in 
Englisey (Anglesey) and Powisland/ only recalls to us those 
terribly prosaic romances of Geoffrey of Monmouth, which for 
centuries perverted all our earlier history. This story is of a 
piece with that of St. Craddock. 

The title of All Saints' to be the mother church of Warwick 
rests on the surer foundation of written documents. First in 
importance is the writ of Henry i. above mentioned,*confirming 
to the church its judicial and educational rights as they 
existed in the days of King Edward — proof positive of the 

1 Chart., f. 10 a and b. 2 Ibid. 

3 The Bows Rol, No. 6. 


pre-Conquest existence of the church. But the indisputable 
evidence of the existence of St. Mary's in Domesday Book 
while there is no mention of All Saints', coupled with the 
grant of the very same rights of ordeal and school by Earl 
Roger to St. Mary's, might throw doubt on the prior title of 
All Saints'. 

Evidence, however, connected with a third church, which 
proved a rival to both the older ones, is strongly in favour of 
All Saints'. This was the Priory of St. Helen's or of the Holy 
Sepulchre. Earl Henry, Rows tells us, was ' Founder of the 
Priory of Warwick, Sepulcris, that was hed hows thorowt 
England of that ordre,' viz. the Order of Augustinian Canons 
of the Holy Sepulchre. The Augustinian canons were the 
fashionable order at the beginning of the twelfth century, 
being a compromise between the monks who were (in theory) 
confined to their convents, and were useless to the outside 
world, to which they were legally and practically dead, and 
the secular canons who lived in houses like ordinary folk, 
and, like the parochial clergy, moved in the world, and like 
them at that date had wives and families. The Augustinian 
canons were bound to celibacy and poverty like the monks, 
and like them lived in cloisters, but they were allowed to 
serve ordinary cures of souls and to go out into the world. 
Their special function at first was to look after the hospitals 
for the sick. The canons of St. Sepulchre were clerical off- 
shoots of the order of the Hospitallers or Knights of St. John, 
developed at the taking of Jerusalem in 1099. 

1 The order of " Black Canons " was first introduced into 
England at Colchester, then at London and then in other places. 
And so Earl Henry of Warwick at the request of the Jerusalemites 
founded a Priory of the Holy Sepulchre of Canons regular at 
Warwick. For it was then that the Christians took the Holy 
Land and instituted Canons in the church of the Holy Sepulchre 
of the Lord. These Canons only differed from other Canons 
regular in having a double red Cross on the breast of their cope. 
And this the Canons of St. Sepulchre of Warwick still wear. This 
was the first house and the superior of others throughout England, 
Wales, Scotland and Ireland until the second destruction of 
Jerusalem, and then nearly all the houses of this order disappeared. 


la those days the Prior of Warwick wore a grey furred amice and 
a pastoral staff, and held collections for the aid of the Holy Land 
with large indulgences. But when they disappeared the order 
fell into poverty. There were anciently houses of this order at 
Thetford, Winchester, 1 Wentbridge and many other places. The 
profit of the collections and the privileges were transferred to the 
Order of the Friars of the Trinity, to which belonged the Friars of 
St. Eobert of Knaresborough, Houndslow, Telasford (Tellesford) 
and many others.' 2 

Unfortunately, when the Normans made new foundations, 
they seldom did so without, partially at least, robbing the old 
ones. The Priory of the Holy Sepulchre was no exception to 
this rule, as we learn from divers documents in St. Mary's 
Chartulary. These show that the priory was founded in the 
Church of St. Helen which was one of the churches in the 
parish of All Saints' and belonged to and was apparently a 
chapel of the mother church in the castle. Bishop Whittlesey 
in 1367 held an inquiry at Warwick as to the churches which 
had formerly been granted to St. Mary's, c when the College 
was translated from the Castle to the place it then occupied,' 
and, after taking evidence before a mixed jury of clerics and 
laymen, found that among the churches originally belonging 
to it were those of St. Helen and of Gretham in Eutland. 
While certain other churches were restored to St. Mary's, 
these two, as having been appropriated to the Priory of St. 
Sepulchre by decrees of former bishops, confirmed by papal 
bulls, were declared irrecoverable, subject to the obligation on 
the priory to maintain a subdeacon in the collegiate church. 
This inquiry speaks only of St. Mary's. But it refers to a 
decision of Bishop Simon, a copy of which has been fortunately 
preserved, 3 though not in St. Mary's Chartulary. It states 

1 This means St. Cross Hospital by Winchester, the possession of which 
was long a subject of dispute between the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem 
and the Bishops of Winchester, and finally awarded by the Crown to the 

2 Rows's Historia Begum Anglcce, p. 137. Ed. Hearne. Oxford, 1745. 

3 Harl. MS. 7505, f. 14a, from a collection of MSS. formerly belonging to 
Mr. Fisher of Warwick, which, with other Warwickshire MSS., perished in 
a fire at the Birmingham Public Library, in 1879. This fire was fatal to 
much Warwickshire history. 


that Bishop Simon had dedicated the altar in St. Sepulchre's 
Church, and a cemetery ' for the burial only of the brethren 
serving God there in the habit of Canons, at the order of King 
Henry, with the willing assent of Earl Roger and the Canons 
of All Saints' Church, in whose parish the said Church was 
founded. But in order that the mother church of All Saints, 
and also the church of St. Mary, might not suffer any damage 
or loss in tithes, burial- fees, offerings, confessions or visitations 
of the sick, or other customary profits (benejiciis) belonging 
to the said mother churches, the Prior was bound to pay 30d. 
a year on All Saints' Day to the church of All Saints.' This 
agreement was solemnly confirmed by the Pope and Walter, 
Archdeacon of Oxford, 1 a non-resident canon of All Saints', in 
two letters addressed to the bishop and his fellow-canons 
respectively, which are preserved in St. Mary's Chartulary. 
The canons of St. Sepulchre afterwards tried to withhold the 
payment to which they had agreed, and in spite of a writ 2 
from Henry II., appealed to the Pope, who appointed the 
Bishop of Hereford, Gilbert Foliot, 3 and Geoffrey, Archdeacon 
of Worcester, delegates to try the case. For once the regulars 
were worsted and held to their bargain, and the pension of 
half a crown a year was solemnly confirmed to the then united 
church of All Saints and St. Mary. 

All Saints' in the Castle was therefore the real mother 
church of Warwick, which, one can hardly doubt, owed its 
pre-eminence to being the creation of Ethelfled, when she 
' built the burh ' at Warwick. The reason given by Earl 
Roger for the attempted grant of the school to St. Mary's 
Church, ' that the service of the Church may be improved by 
the attendance of scholars,' corroborates the inference already 

1 According to Le Neve's Fasti, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, occurs in 
1104, and again in 1151, when he was succeeded by Robert Foliot, afterwards 
Bishop of Hereford. This document must be about 1123. 

2 Chart., f. 17a. The writ is dated at Vire in Normandy and witnessed 
by Thomas [a Becket] as Chancellor, Robert of Newburgh, and Richard of 
Hum [mez], constable. Its date is therefore between 1154 and 1163. 

3 SentenciadeffinitivaEpiscopi Herefordensis et Archidiaconi Wigorniensis 
super eadem causa, auctoritate apostolica. Chart., f. 18a. As Gilbert, the 
bishop named in it, was translated to London in 1163, the date is between 
1154 and that date. 


drawn that the grant was one of something new to benefit a 
new establishment. 

The reason which made the earls favour St. Mary's at the 
expense of All Saints' was no doubt the same as that which 
had caused the destruction of the four houses, recorded in 
Domesday, the want of more room in the castle. Probably the 
newer church of St. Mary was also the larger. When, however, 
the canons of All Saints' were successful in their appeal against 
the usurpation of their rights, the earl had to proceed in a 
more regular way, and to transfer the canons of All Saints', 
with their own consent, to the new church. This consent 
would, no doubt, be readily obtained, as if it were in- 
convenient for the earl to have the canons in the castle 
among his family and dependants, it must have been still 
more inconvenient for the canons to be in the castle among a 
Norman soldiery. It was the experience of similar inconveni- 
ences which made the bishop and canons of Salisbury, a 
century later, move Salisbury Cathedral from Old Sarum to 
the new Salisbury in the meadows below. 

The legal transfer of All Saints' and its union with St. Mary's 
were effected by three documents : two of them executed by 
the earl on the same day, and the third a confirmation by 
the bishop. 

In the first place, by a deed — the copy of which, in the 
Chartulary, is headed with a large cross with four dots in the 
intersections of its arms — the earl granted authority for a 
dean and chapter to be held in St. Mary's. 1 

'I, Roger, Consul of Warwick, by the grace of G-od and St. 
Mary and All Saints, for the soul's health of my father and of my 
parents (parentum, used apparently in the French sense for family 
generally), firmly and steadfastly (constanter) grant to my canons 
of Warwick to have a Dean and Chapter and brotherly meeting, 
and I will, and on God's behalf grant, that they may serve God in 
the Church of St. Mary after the manner of Canons, and may hold 
all their possessions as freely and quietly as the Canons of London 

1 Apparently this is the first deed, as it is headed in the Chartulary, f., 
1 Prima Concessio Domini Rogeri Comitis de Decano et Capitulo habendo in 
ecclesia Beate Marie Warwichensis.' 


and Lincoln and Salisbury and York are said to hold their posses- 
sions in ecclesiastical fashion. Of which thing these are witnesses, 
Hugh Richardson, and Thurstan of Montfort, Siward, son of 
Turchil, Geoffrey de la Mar and Peter Williamson and Anschetill 
Richardson and R. of Munnevilla (Mandevilla) and R. de Bortona,' 

This was followed, no doubt on the same day, by the second 
deed, formally granting to the clerks of the two churches the 
right to live together in St. Mary's, and setting out as a grant 
to the Church of St. Mary's the possessions of the two 

' In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity be it known 
to all sons of the Holy Church of God, present and to come, that 
in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord, 1123, in the reign 
of King Henry, Earl Roger, having obtained the Consulship of 
Warwick, there to the honour of God and in reverence to God's 
holy mother Mary, and All Saints, for the soul of King William, 
Conqueror of England, and his wife Queen Matilda, and their son 
King William the Second, and in future memory of the soul of 
King Henry, William his eldest son and his wife Queen Matilda, 
and for their children, and in memory of the soul of Roger of 
Beumont (Belmund) and his wife Aelma, and for the soul of Earl 
Henry bis father, who first began this, and in memory of R. 
Count of Mellent and all the faithful departed, arranged (disposuit) 
that the clerks of the church of St. Mary of Warwick and the 
clerks of All Saints', which was situated in the Castle, by the 
advice and assent and at the devout petition of the clerks of the 
said Church of All Saints, and equally with the deliberation of 
Simon, Bishop of Worcester, that they and their successors for 
ever may serve God and St. Mary diligently day and night after 
the fashion of canons in the aforesaid Church of St. Mary, keeping 
the integrity of their prebends. And for the necessaries of living 
gave them these.' 

And then follows a list of the possessions of the church, to 
which we will return presently, ending up with 'And the 
school (scolas) of Warwick and the ordeals of fire and water 
and battle, and the land of Wimund the chaplain.' That is to 
say, the dispute as to the right to manage the school and the 
trial by ordeals, the Saxon method, and the trial by battle, a 






^ ij!/* ^ 



"8 *i 


* £ * »-.<0^ £ 


iis> i^-l 



i <* -£< ^j^ <£-*& *=^tk ' § * <£ 


* * f JM] 



5} ^ %-jj 

•4 A 












-O ^ 

j* .2 

5 <• 








Norman innovation, involving the same appeal to God and 
superstition in the more objectionable form of sheer force, 
was now settled bv beinsr vested in the united Church and 
Chapter of St. Mary and All Saints. The witnesses were 
the same as in the previous deed, establishing the chapter in 
St. Mary's, a fairly conclusive proof that they were executed 
on the same day. 

The Church gave its sanction to the arrangement in a deed 
of Simon, the Bishop of Worcester. His preamble shows 
that there had been disputes, and that his consent was not 
procured for some time after the earl's deed. 

1 The holy authority of the Fathers warns us that we should 
give sedulous attention to matters concerning the benefit of our 
churches, so that they may be nurtured in surer peace, and the 
zeal of the clergy of the churches in divine offices be more earnest 
Hence it is that in the third year of our bishopric we have trans- 
lated all the clerks whom we found in the church of All Saints, 
Warwick, and all their ecclesiastical property, because that place 
seemed to us to be too uncomfortable (impoiiunius), because of 
the Castle in which it was situated, to the mother * church of St. 
Mary of Warwick, which also was consecrated to the honour of 
the Virgin Mary and All Saints. So, having held a council of 
religious men, and at the request and with the willing assent 
of Roger, Earl of Warwick, moved also by the devout demands of 
the said clerks, that they and their successors, keeping their 
prebends intact, may for ever serve God and St. Mary with the 
rest of the clerks of the same church, which all these clerks alike 
promised and confirmed in Christ; we have established also in 
the same church that they may have a Chapter and assembly of 
brethren and a Dean, and the same liberties which the church of 
London freely enjoys, or Lincoln or any other church of the like 

The transaction was completed by the sanction of a bull 
of Innocent II., Pope from 1130 to 1143, a vacant space for 
which, never filled in, was left in the Chartulary. The bull 
is, however, referred to in one of Eugenius in., dated 1 June 
1146, confirming all the possessions of the church and the 
agreement between St. Mary's and St. Sepulchre's, and 

1 i.e. Which has now become the mother church. 


forbidding any secular person to intervene in the election of 
the dean, a prohibition aimed perhaps at some attempt on 
the part of the earl to treat the deanery as his private 

The schedule of property granted to the united church 
is interesting. Unfortunately it does not distinguish as 
between the two churches which formerly possessed it: 
but it is probable that the property of St. Mary's is first 
recited. First came the churches of St. Nicholas and St. 
Lawrence with 10 acres of land and a mansion ; St. Michael's 
church with 5 acres of land and 3 mansions ; and the church 
of St. Sepulchre and St. Helen. Next, two-thirds of the tithe 
of Bedford (Bedeford, a royal manor in Domesday) from the 
inland ; in Wellesbourne (Welesburn, called Waleborne in 
Domesday, when it belonged to the king) two-thirds of the 
tithe of inland, and kirk-scot (Chircset, misprinted in the 
Monasticon Chireset ; it is probably the right to mortuaries or 
corse-presents, the best chattel of the deceased) ; in Hardwick 
(Herdewic) and by Long Bridge, two l plough-lands (carucatas 
terre): in Charlcote (in Domesday a Mellent manor) half a 
hide and tithes of the demesne and of two mills ; in Fullbrook 
(Fulebroc, another Mellent manor) half a hide and two-thirds 
of the tithe of the mill ; in Snitterfield (Snitarfeld, Snitefeld 
in Domesday, a Mellent manor) a hide and two-thirds of the 
tithe of inland, and of the pannage (swine-feed) of the wood ; 
in Sherborne (Sireburna, Scireburne in Domesday) half a hide 
and two-thirds of the tithe of inland ; in Milverton (Mulver- 
tona) half a hide, and the whole tithe of the fee of the Earl of 
Warwick ; in Cotes the whole tithe of the mill and of every- 
thing quick or dead, and the tithe of two carucates, which 
are in Stockhill and Woodlane (Stoculla et Wudulan) ; in 
Compton {i.e. Compton Murdac) two-thirds of the tithe of 
inland ; in Walton Theodoric (later Walton D'Eivile) the whole 
tithe of the demesne and of one mill, which settles it as being 
the Walton held before Domesday by Saxi and in Domesday by 
the Count of Mellent ; and in Walton Spilebert (later Walton 
Mauduit) two-thirds of the tithe of inland and of two mills ; 
In the meadows of Burford (Berefort) six acres and two gores, 

1 In the copy of Bishop Simon's deed this appears as one carucate only. 


and the same in the meadow of Alrefort. In and outside 
Warwick the property comprised 60 houses (mansiunculas), 
being no less than a sixth of the whole inhabited houses. 

This apparently ends the list of the possessions of one of 
the two churches, presumably that of St. Mary. For the 
list begins again with the Church of Gretham, which, as we 
have seen, was a possession of All Saints' Church ; the Church 
of St. John, and the Church of St. Peter, with a mansion. 
St. John's Church was in the market-place. St. Peter's Church 
was somewhere near the castle ; it was not till the fifteenth 
century 1 that it was rebuilt over the East Gate. Besides this, 
there was the Church of Budbrook (Budebroc) and the whole 
tithe of the manor or town (villa). Next comes the tithe of 
the rent 2 of Warwick borough, the same tithe which we saw 
granted by Earl Henry, as the tithe of the toll of Warwick, 
to William his chaplain, a hide in Heath and half a hide in 

Then comes the all-important item for our purposes. In 
the earl's grant it runs : ' The school of Warwick and the 
ordeals of iron and water and of duel, and the land of 
Wimund the Chaplain.' In the bishop's confirmation it runs : 
1 The school of Warwick and the ordeals of iron and water 
and 100 acres in Cotes, and the church of St. James over 
Warwick Gate ; and the land of Wimund the chaplain, and 
the whole parish inside and outside Warwick.' This reference 
to the whole parish inside and outside Warwick is an inter- 
esting confirmation of the rights of All Saints' as the mother 
church, while the reference to St. James's over the West Gate 
of Warwick seems to show that the town as well as the castle 
was fortified. The reference to the land of Wimund the 
chaplain appears to include the land at Brailes which we 
saw had been granted by Earl Henry to his chaplain William, 
which grant had been witnessed by Wimund. Probably 
Wimund had succeeded William in the prebend granted 
him, and this mention incidentally shows that William and 
Wimund were prebendaries of All Saints', and that Herlewin 
had been one before them. 

1 Notices of the Churches of Warwickshire, 1848, p. o. 

2 • Redditus ' in the earl's grant, ' renta' in the bishop's confirmation. 


The grant of the school is, it will be observed, in the same 
terms as in the grant to St. Mary's by Earl Roger, and, except 
for the addition of ' the duel,' also in the same terms as in 
the confirmation to All Saints' by King Henry. 

The dispute as to the school was now set at rest. The 
united church of St. Mary and All Saints obtained the 
undisputed right to the maintenance of Warwick School. If 
for a short time there had been two schools, one in connection 
with the old mother church of All Saints, and one in con- 
nection with the newer church of St. Mary, they now 
become one. But it seems more probable that there never 
had been two schools, the attempt of Earl Roger to transfer 
the school to St. Mary's having been frustrated. At all 
events, from 1123 until 1544, one grammar school remained 
part and parcel of the one college. 




What the establishment of the united church precisely was 
we cannot learn from the documents themselves. The earl's 
grant says vaguely that the college was to be on the model of 
London, Lincoln, Salisbury, and York. The bishop's con- 
firmation says with equal vagueness that the college was to 
be on the model of London or Lincoln, or other churches of 
like constitution. In other words, it was to be like other 
college-churches of secular canons. The usual constitution 
of these churches was that of a dean, and a number of canons 
or prebendaries, who formed the chapter or college and were 
its governing body. There were four officers, the dean, pre- 
centor, chancellor, and sacrist or treasurer, who were generally 
called dignitaries, and, in most of the churches named, were 
canons, who, in virtue of holding those offices, took precedence 
of other canons. Below the canons were an equal number of 
vicars choral, who were the deputies of the canons to perform 
the services for them when absent (which they most commonly 
were), a parish priest, and a certain number of inferior clerks 
and of choristers. Attached to the church, and acting also as 
vicars choral, were a varying number of chantry priests, but 
these last were on separate or by-foundations, and not on the 
original foundation of the college-church. 

Some interesting light is thrown on the powers and duties of 
the dean and chapter by a letter from the dean and chapter of 
Salisbury, of about the year 1155, preserved in the Warwick 
Chartulary. In the same way as Oxford and other boroughs 
were given their liberties by reference to the privileges of the 
city of London, and when any question arose appealed to the 



model borough, so, Warwick church having been given its 
liberties by reference to other churches of secular canons, the 
chapter naturally wrote to one of the model churches to find 
out the practice prevailing there. It is a remarkable proof of 
the early fame of the ' Sarum use ' that the chapter of Warwick 
took as their model, not the nearer chapters of Lichfield, 
Lincoln, or London, but the distant Salisbury. As this is 
perhaps the earliest recorded statement of the kind, earlier 
by a century than the reference of the dean and chapter of 
Glasgow x to Salisbury, and earlier by half a century than the 
appeal, in 1212, of the dean and chapter of Moray to Lincoln, 
for the like purpose, it is given in full. It begins in august 

' Henry, by the grace of God, Dean of the church of Salisbury, 
and the Chapter of Salisbury, to their beloved brethren the canons 
of Warwick Church, greeting. 

'Of the liberties and customs of our church of which your 
brotherhood wishes to be certified we answer you under each 
heading (capitula) as follows : 

'The Dean is promoted by the election of the canons, nor do the 
Dean or canons or any member of the choir answer anywhere but 
in their chapter, where the canons are the sole judges. 

'A canon dying ought to leave his prebend the same as he 
received it as regards its stock : but for the rest the pen of 
his last will is free. A dead man's prebend passes to the use 
of the canons ; but if the deceased is oppressed by debts, the 
third part is set aside to meet the debts, or, if there are no debts, 
is given to the poor for his soul, and this for a year. The 
churches or chapels of prebends, and the clergy serving in them, 
neither pay episcopal dues nor answer to the archdeacons in any- 
thing. A parishioner of another parish is not under the jurisdic- 
tion of the Dean or Chapter. A Dean or a canon has the whole 
liberty in disposing of his churches, in receiving priests, and all 

1 Wilkins's Concilia, I. 741. Glasyow Episcopal Register, Maitland Club, 
I. No. 211. An earlier instance of the same kind is when, in 1212, the 
dean and chapter of Moray, i.e. of Elgin Cathedral, wrote to Lincoln : 
Wilkins's Concilia, i. 534-9 ; Reghtrum Episcopatus Moraviensis (Bannatyne 
Club, 1837), pp. 44-58 ; Lincoln Cathedral Statutes, Bradshaw and Words- 
worth, 1897, ii. p. 136. But even that was fifty years later than this 


other matters that archdeacons have in their archdeaconries. For 
a canon is archdeacon of his prebend and has the cure [of souls] 
of his men. 

' Scholars stand or fall to their own master. 

1 As to the obsequies for the soul of a deceased Bishop or canon 
with respect to which you are solicitous, we desire to be altogether 
solicitous. Farewell, and pray for us as we for you.' 

The date of this letter is about 1155, as Henry, the Dean of 
Salisbury named in it, became Bishop of Bayeux in 1165, and 
a papal bull of 1157, which, as we have seen, specially forbade 
any ecclesiastical or secular person to interfere in the election 
of a dean, was probably founded on this letter, which was clearly 
written during a vacancy in the deanery at Warwick. 

The question of the jurisdiction of the archdeacon of Wor- 
cester was stoutly disputed, and there are bulls of Pope 
Innocent n. (?) and Clement v., and an inhibition from the court 
of Canterbury, against successive archdeacons. 1 They, long 
after the archdeacon had abandoned the claim of jurisdiction 
against St. Mary's itself, as late as 1323, tried to assert it 
in its dependent chapels or churches of SS. Nicholas, Law- 
rence, Peter, John, and James in Warwick itself. But it was 
quite beneath the dignity of such great persons as canons 
to be subject to the jurisdiction of archdeacons with their 
troublesome and expensive 2 visitations. When Eton College 
was founded, the exemption from archi-diaconal jurisdiction 
was equally obtained, and Eton College still pays 6s. 8d. a 
year to the Archdeacon of Bucks in consideration of his 
loss of fees by the exemption. 

We may note, without comment for the present, the 
important statement referring to the school, that 'to their 
own master the scholars stand or fall.' It means that the 
master alone, not the chapter or the archdeacon, exercised 
jurisdiction over the scholars. 

There is no certain indication as to the number of the 
canons at Warwick before, nor for a long time after, the union 
of the two collegiate churches. The number of canons about 

1 Chart., f. 24b to 26b. 

2 ' Purse is the Archdeacon's hell,' says the Summoner in the Canterbury 


this time at St. Paul's, London, was 30; 1 at Lincoln, 42 ; 2 at 
Salisbury, 32 ; 3 at York, 36. 4 But there is no reason to think 
that Warwick had anything like these numbers. 

We find in the Chartulary 5 grants referring to the chapel of 
Muitone, i.e. Myton, and ' the canons serving in the same,' the 
recovery from Robert Curli of the church of Budebroc, 6 i.e. 
Budbrook, and its lease ' to a canon, namely to him personally 
and not as a prebend.' Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, as 
one of the canons, consented 7 to the union of St. Mary's 
and All Saints'. Henry II. directed William, Earl of Warwick, 
1153-84, to see that William de Orebuto, canon, obtained 
seisin of a tenement which Eilric, his predecessor, held. In 
the time of Earl Waleran, 1184-1205, Reginald Malesmayne 
and Roger of Charlecot, canons, made an agreement as to 
dividing the tithes of the demesnes of William de Daivile and 
of the earldom of Warwick. When about the same time the 
convent of Bordesley disputed with St. Mary's, Warwick, the 
right to the tithes of Budiford (Budford), the monastery agreed 
to pay fifteen shillings a year ' to the prebend of Nicholas, canon 
of Warwick, nephew of Nicholas, Archdeacon of Coventry, which 
used to belong to John the chaplain,' and this agreement was 
witnessed by ' Jordan and William, canons of Warwick.' 

At about the same time we find John de Sancto Admundo, 
canon of St. Mary's, making a grant for the soul of Hubert, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, who had been given the presenta- 
tion to the prebends during his life. 

These are all the references to individual canons which 
occur in the twelfth century : they do not indicate a very 
large number of canons, nor did the early collegiate churches 
in general possess a large number. 

The number seven was the usual number of members of a 

1 Originally including the bishop. 

a It was, however, only 21 in 1091 ; but 54 in 1200 ; and 58, excluding the 
bishops, in 1383 ; now 53. Wordsworth, Lincoln Cathedral Statutes, Part ii. 

3 Ibid. ii. c. n. ; but in 1229 it had been raised to 52. Reg. Osmund, ii. 

4 In 1295, York Cathedral Statutes. But at the Conquest there were 
only 7. 5 Chart., f. 9a. 

« Ibid. f. 9a- 18a. 7 Ibid. i. 16b. 


collegiate church of secular canons in old times — derived 
ultimately from the seven deacons in the seven churches of 
Ephesus, and immediately from the seven priests that are 
common among the Celtic Culdee establishments of Columba 
and others by whom the greater part of Britain was 
christianised. We see illustrations of it in the seven churches 
so called — they are mere hovels of chapels — at many places 
in Ireland, such as Clonmacnoise on the Shannon and the 
seven churches near Glendalough in Wicklow. 

Seven was the original number of the canons at York 
Minster; 1 at St. Chad's Cathedral, Lichfield; at Beverley, 2 
and Southwell Minsters, 3 and at Wolverhampton. The vast 
cathedral establishments founded after the Conquest, such 
as Lincoln and Salisbury, with their scores of canons, were 
of later development. It would seem from the reference in 
the ' Union ' document at Warwick to the canons of All Saints' 
retaining their prebends after the transfer to St. Mary's that 
the original practice of the canons holding all things in 
common and having a common table had already disappeared 
at Warwick, and that the estates of the church had already 
been apportioned out among the canons as separate prebends. 
The word prebend means provision, and is the same as pro- 
vender; we often hear in medieval documents of prebends 
for so many horses. 

The prebends were the provision or estates assigned to the 
individual canons, who, in virtue of holding them, acquired 
the title of prebendaries. At most places these prebendaries 
acquired territorial titles from the places in which their 
principal estates lay. So we get the canons and prebendaries 
of Kentish Town and Finsbury at St. Paul's, of Fridaythorpe 
and Stillington at York, of Bedford and Leicester at Lincoln. 
At Warwick there are not wanting indications of a tendency 
to this territorial designation. Compton was, as we have 
seen, granted by Earl Henry for a prebend for a canon of St. 

1 History of the Church of York, edited by Canon Raine (Rolls Series), ii. 

3 Memorials of Beverley Minster (Surtees Society), 1893, edited by A. F. 
Leach, I. xxxix. 

3 Memorials of Southwell Minster (Camden Society), 1890, edited by 
A. F. Leach. 


Mary's; and in 1347 x Mr. John of Bukyngham, 'prebendary 
of Compton Murdak, in the collegiate church of the Blessed 
Mary of Warwick/ presented Nicholas of Southam to the 
rectory of Budbrook, and in 1375 2 his successor, Richard of 
Pyriton, 'prebendary of the prebend of Compton Mordake,' 
presented Philip Keys to the same living. In 1340 8 the site 
for the College of the Vicars-Choral was said to be recovered 
from 'Adam de Hernyngton, prebendary of Shirbone in St. 
Mary's Church, Warwick.' 

But at Warwick, as at Beverley Minster, the more usual 
custom seems to have been to describe the prebends by 
the name of the holder or of former holders. So we find 
incidentally in the Chartulary a grant from Earl Roger 4 to 
'Mr. John of £4, 10s. a year from the rent of Warwick and 
land at Longbridge and his house with the right to hold a 
manorial court, and, moreover, all liberty over his men so that 
they shall not plead on any plaint {querela) pertaining to me 
or mine, but only in the court of Master John.' The same 
property was granted by Earl William to Nicholas, the king's 
chaplain, under the description of ' the prebend formerly 
John's,' and by Earl Waleran to Nicholas Brito, under the 
description of 'the prebend late John's and Nicholas', the 
King's chaplains.' This is perhaps the prebend described in 
Pope Nicholas's Taxation one hundred years later as * be- 
longing to Nicholas, and formerly Warren's.' As time went 
on this method of description no doubt became exceedingly 
cumbrous. It is not till a century later that we get any- 
thing like a list of the prebends. A valuation made about 
1280 gives the following canons or prebendaries and the 
prebends held by each : — 

Mr. Thomas Sekyndon, prebend valued at 15 marks, i.e. £10 a year. 

Mr. Robert Pleysy, 



9 n 






6i „ 

£4 6 

8 „ 

Warin [of Chaucombe], 



5 „ 

£3 6 

8 i, 

Richard of Preston, 



3 „ 



William of Beauchamp (Bellocampo), 


4 „ 

£2 13 

4 „ 

1 Reg. Sede vacante, i. 125d. 2 Ibid. f. 196. 

s Chart., f. lv., Pro loco collegii in quo Vicarii simul inhabitant. 
4 Chart., No. 8, f. 10b. 


In 1282 the dean and canons of Warwick denied the right 
of the Bishop of Worcester, Godfrey Giffard, to visit them. 
They were excommunicated and appealed to the court of 
Canterbury, but the Dean of Arches found against them and 
they had to pay 20 marks costs. 1 The bishop visited on 
5 October 1284, and, quite in the episcopal manner, marked 
his victory by a sermon on the text, ' Thy heart shall suffer 
visions unless a visitation shall have issued from the Most 
Highest by His Holy Spirit,' which, if it meant anything but 
a pun on the word visitation, made the bishop equivalent to 
the Holy Ghost. 

In the following year a reconstruction of the church was 
apparently under consideration, and it is in a document relat- 
ing to it that we get the earliest definite statement as to the 
number of the canons. 

We find 2 the bishop writing on 25 September 1285 to his 
* cousin and friend,' the Earl of Warwick, as to what churches 
should be chosen, either in his own or in other dioceses, to 
complete the number of 13 prebends, including the old ones, 
1 which are at present 1 only ' ; and suggests Wykewane and 
Salewarp for two of the three, and that the advowson should 
be given to the bishop. But the letter concludes that the 
bishop has not proceeded further in the matter, especially as 
the churches in the diocese, the advowsons of which are held 
by the earl, are reputed so poor. Here, then, we learn that ten 
was the number of the prebends, a larger number than the 
records before or after would have suggested. 

In 1291 there was a general valuation of all ecclesiastical 
benefices, commonly known as Pope Nicholas's Taxation, 
because it was made with a view to ascertain the amount 
of the tenths or tithes of the yearly value of benefices 
ordinarily payable to the popes, but granted by Pope 
Nicholas to Edward i. for two years to enable him to prepare 
for a crusade, which never took place. The valuation was 
actually made by, that is under the direction of, the Bishops 

1 Reg. Giffard, f. 219b. 

2 Reg. Giffard, f. 233b. The abstract given in the printed edition of the 
Register is misleading. It omits the important passage about the existing 
number altogether. 


a year 

» 6 


,, 3 




„ 4 




„ 3 




„ o 





of Winchester and London. In this document we find the 
Warwick prebends described as : — 

The prebend formerly of Robert de Plescy, wort] 

„ „ of Sir Ralph of Hingham, 
„ „ „ Nicholas, formerly Warren's (Warini), 
„ „ „ Robert of Northampton, 
„ „ „ Peter of Leicester, 
„ „ „ the Prior of St. Sepulchre's, Warwick, 

It would thus appear that there were only six prebends, 
including the merely honorary one of the prior of St. 

The statement as to the poverty of the prebends is fully 
borne out by a letter of 3 June 1256 by the bishop to Peter 
of Leicester, one of his domestic chaplains and steward of his 
estates, 1 whom he had instituted rector of Budbrook in 1282, 2 
and who was a canon of Warwick. The bishop says that 
Leicester's fellow-canons support him in the allegation that 
the revenue of his prebend is so small (exilis) that it is 
quite impossible that he should reside either permanently or 
temporarily, since it does not exceed five shillings a year, and 
therefore he annexes the rectory of Budbrook to the prebend 
during Peter's life, in the hope that his energy and industry 
will supply its defects and retrieve the alienations which have 
taken place owing to the negligence of others. Next year this 
annexation was revoked owing to the ingratitude of Peter, and 
the bishop attempted to deprive him of Preston Bagot, which 
he held, while William of Pickerel was told not to take Peter's 
advice on anything, lest he too should be ungrateful. In 1289 
he was made to surrender Cleeve Church, getting, however, a 
prebend at Westbury instead ; but on appeal to Canterbury 
Peter won, and the bishop had to pay him £60 compensation. 3 

Nor was Peter of Leicester the only canon who failed to 
reside through the poverty of his prebend, nor was this poverty 
and non-residence anything new. 

There is in Giffard's Register a document which is described 
in the printed Register of the Bishop as 'a transcript of 
Ordinances as to the Dean and canons of Warwick, which, 

1 Reg. Qiffard % f. 204b. » Ibid. f. 153. 3 Ibid. f. 377b. 


so far as they can be made out, refer to the poverty of the 
house and the grant of prebends for their support.' In point 
of fact the document is perfectly legible, except where the 
outer portion of the page has been burnt off, and it certainly 
does not contain any grant of prebends. 'Whereas by the 
ancient constitution and approved customs of the church, as 
we found by inquiry when exercising our duty on a recent 
visitation, the canons and the Dean, elected by them, ought to 
reside serving God in person day and night, they have since, 
through the connivance or negligence of the bishops, so far 
withdrawn their presence that they have left only six con- 
ducts 1 celebrating there, who used to live on the offerings of 
the altar and suchlike casual profits and on the common stock, 
and now even, we grieve to say, the church is brought to such 
poverty through the poverty of the parishioners and burgesses, 
and through the dearness of provisions which has now con- 
tinued for several years, that these offerings can no longer 
support them, and their number, too, is diminished.' For 
remedy, the bishop ordered the number of six chaplains to be 
restored, and assigned £4 from the prebend of John de Plesseto, 
4 marks (£3, 6s. 8d.) from the prebend of Robert de Plesseto, 
the Plescy of Pope Nicholas's Taxation, and a fifth part of each 
of the other prebends, except those of Mr. Hosmund 2 and the 
Prior of St. Sepulchre's, who had to keep certain deputies, so 
as to produce a sum of £21 and 23s. 8d. in all, or thereabouts. 
Five chaplains were to divide this sum, in certain proportions, 
which the mutilation of the page conceals. The sixth, who 
was to be sacrist, was to be the rector of St. John's, Warwick, 
the Church of St. John in the market-place, and was to retain 
the cure, but his parishioners were to attend St. Mary's for 
service. The bishop reserved the right of annexing a prebend 
to the deanery when it fell vacant. 

1 Capellanos conducticios, hired chaplains, having no permanent institu- 
tion. The three chaplains of Winchester College were so called in opposi- 
tion to the ten ' perpetual ' fellows. Thence the term went to Eton, where 
the chaplains still are, or at least were in the Statutes of 1874. called 
* conducts.' 

2 He is elsewhere called Osmund. The uncertainty of the letter H, in the 
mouths even of educated persons, in medieval English, equalled that heard 
in the elementary schools nowadays. 


The bishop had, it seems, intended further endowments to 
Warwick as to Westbury Collegiate Church, which later he 
tried to erect into a second cathedral church, so as to have a 
secular chapter, much in the same way as the Bishops of 
Coventry and Lichfield had established Lichfield as a counter- 
poise to monkish Coventry, and the Bishops of Bath and Wells, 
Wells as against Bath, and as the Archbishops Hubert and 
Baldwin of Canterbury had tried to supersede Canterbury by 
a great college at Lambeth. But the monks were still too 
strong, and all these projects were defeated by their opposition 
abetted by the popes. 1 

The good intentions of the earl and the bishop for Warwick 
never took effect. It was not till the days of Earl Thomas 
Beauchamp, who spent the ransoms and the spoils of Crecy 
and Poitiers on the rebuilding of his ancestral college church, 
that any change took place. In 1349 he granted to the dean 
and chapter the rectory of Pilardyngton. Nearly twenty years 
later, at his request, an exhaustive inquiry was held by Bishop 
William of Whittlesey on the benefices anciently granted to 
the college at its foundation, and since lost, and set out in a 
great document of 24 December 1367. 2 The finding of the in- 
quisition was that the college had been endowed with the Church 
of St. Helen in Warwick, and Greetham in Rutland, and the 
Churches of St. Michael, St. John, St. Peter, and St. Lawrence, 
St. James over the West Gate, and St. Nicholas in Warwick, 
and the neighbouring Church of Budbrook. St. Helen's could 
not be restored because it had become the site of the Priory 
of the Holy Sepulchre, and Greetham Church had been appro- 
priated to it, subject only to the maintenance of a subdeacon 
in St. Mary's, at the priory's expense. The other churches are 
discussed in order. To all of them the dean, with one or 
more of the prebendaries, presented. St. Michael's had only 
three parishioners, and its value barely amounted to a mark a 
year ; its church was nearly in ruins, and it had a very small 
churchyard, in which few bodies were buried. St John's, in 
the middle of the market-place, had no churchyard or right of 
burial ; there was no rectory-house, and it was barely worth 4 

1 Reg. Giffard, f. 38S, 420, 471. 

2 P.R.O. Augmentation Office, Misc. Books, 492. 


marks a year. St. Peter's, situate in the Carfax (in quadrivio) 
of the town, the place where the two principal streets inter- 
sected, in like manner had no rectory-house, no churchyard or 
burial rights, and was worth barely 5 marks. St. Lawrence 
had a churchyard, but its rector only had a third of the tithes 
great and small, the dean and one prebendary taking two- 
thirds of the great, and the chapter, as a whole, two-thirds of 
the small tithes. The rectory was worth scarcely £5 a year. 
Budbrook rectory was worth £10 a year; there was a vicarage 
to which the rector appointed, he himself being appointed by 
one of the prebendaries. St. James's over the Gate had long 
been vacant, having very few parishioners, no churchyard or 
burial rights, and was worth scarcely 20s. a year. 

St. Nicholas's, on the other hand, was divided between three 
rectors or portioners (porcionarii), whom we may conjecture to 
have been the representatives of the canons mentioned as 
serving in Myton Chapel at the time of the foundation of the 
college : one in the patronage of the dean, one of the preben- 
dary of Richard of Pyrinton's prebend, and the other of the 
prebendary of Robert Miles's prebend. It had a churchyard 
and burial rights and a fair number (moderatam multitudinem) 
of parishioners, and was nearly equally divisible in two parts, 
one on the further, the other on the hither side of the bridge. 

As a result, the whole of the rectories of these churches 
were united, annexed, and appropriated to the college; and 
except in the cases of St. Nicholas and Budbrook, the parishes 
were abolished, the parishioners being directed to attend St. 
Mary's as their parish church, there being plenty of room in 
it for the whole population, as the town of Warwick is not 
very large (non est multum spaciosa), and long before the first 
epidemic (prior em epidimecam), i.e. the black death, they had 
all been bound by a papal bull to attend St. Mary's on 
Sundays and feast days. 

Images of the saints to which the five churches were dedi- 
cated were to be erected at as many separate altars in St. 
Mary's, and the prebends, now limited to five, were to be called 
after them, the prebendaries being directed to pay special 
devotion to the saint and saint's day after which his prebend 
was named. This was probably an imitation of the similar 


rule at Beverley, where from ancient time the prebends had 
been called after saints, and each prebendary had his separate 
altar called after the saint ; but there the parishes attached to 
the altars stretched far into the country in all directions. The 
net result of these appropriations was an increase of the pre- 
bends by about £26 a year, besides the value of St. Nicholas's 
rectory, which is unfortunately not stated, but was returned 
in 1535 at £20, 6s. 8d. 

It is to be noted that at this time there were only five 
canons besides the dean. This was because of the appropria- 
tion of one prebend and the Church of St. Helen to the 
prior of St. Sepulchre's, which, having been confirmed by 
papal bulls and episcopal sanction, could not be recovered for 
St. Mary's. It was not an unusual thing for a neighbouring 
abbot or prior, though they were regular and not secular 
clergy, to be given a stall and a prebend in a cathedral or 
collegiate church. Thus the prior of Thurgarton had a stall 
in Southwell Minster, 1 the prior of Hexham had one at York, 
the prior of Wilmington one at Chichester, and the French 
abbots of Grestain and Lyra had prebends in Wells Cathedral. 
In 1396, when Bishop Tideman held a visitation of St. Mary's, 
the prior of St. Sepulchre's asserted his right to appear as a 
member of the chapter, but his claim was disallowed and he 
was ordered to retire. The number of five canons remained 
to the end, and that was the number pensioned off on the 
surrender of the college to Henry vm. 

The recovered churches were not allowed to fall into the 
possession of the several prebendaries, but became a part 
of the ' common fund.' The bishop drew a moving picture of 
the way in which the ancient equality and ' common life of 
clerks according to the apostolic rule ' had given place to 
inequalities of separate prebends. ■ So that while one of the 
canons of the said college labours under starvation, another 
labours under repletion, one having a prebend fatter than 
three others put together, while the Dean of the place, who by 
rights is the head of the college and higher in honour than the 
rest, has for his portion a stipend scarcely equal to that of a 

1 See my Visitations and Memorials of Southwell Minster (Camden Society), 
1891, p. xxix. 


simple priest, and while he alone is bound to the burdens of 
continual residence, which are many and heavy, the canons 
who have the fat prebends do not care to reside, and those 
who have the lean ones are not able to do so.' So the bishop, 
at the request of the earl as patron and with the consent of 
all concerned, effected a complete revolution in the constitution 
of the college. He directed that ' the fruits, rents, and income 
of all the prebends and all the possessions of the college, 
spiritual and temporal, shall like those of the venerable church 
of Exeter and the Chapel Royal at Westminster ' — that is, St. 
Stephen's Collegiate Church under the palace, afterwards the 
House of Commons — ' be henceforth gathered into a common 
exchequer in the custody of a treasurer.' The treasurer was 
to be a residentiary canon, appointed by the chapter to hold at 
pleasure. The revenues were to be divided as follows : every 
non-resident canon was to receive £2 a year, and the residents 
20 marks or £13, 6s. 8d. Residence was denned to mean 
presence at all the canonical hours on five days a week, but 
the two days a week's absence might be accumulated, so that 
practically residence meant a little less than nine months in a 
year. The dean was bound to reside and was to receive 40 
marks or £26, 13s. 4d. a year, while each of the six vicars- 
choral was to receive 10 marks or £6, 13s. 4d. a year. The 
salaries of other ministers were to be determined by the 
chapter. Any residue was to be divided in the usual way 
among the residentiary canons. A further innovation was 
that the dean, instead of being elected by the canons, was to 
be appointed by the earl; and the vicars-choral were to be 
appointed, not by the individual canons, but by the chapter, 
consisting of the dean and residentiary canons, and one 
resident canon might constitute a chapter. 

As this was only considered a recovery of lost or stolen 
property, it would appear that no royal licence was obtained, 
but the transaction was carried out entirely by the bishop's 
ordinance, with the result that in 1399-1401 the chapter 
had to obtain the necessary licences. 

It is probable that Earl Thomas had further augmentations 
in view, but as he died little more than a year after these 
statutes, and was buried under the sumptuous tomb which 



still stands in the middle of the choir, nothing more was done. 
A generation later his sons, Earl Thomas and Sir William 
Beauchamp of Elmsley, who rebuilt the now destroyed nave 
as their father had the choir, found further endowment 
necessary if the status of the canons was to correspond to 
the stateliness of the church. Accordingly, in the years 
1391-93, Earl Thomas granted it the rectory and manor of 
Haselore and the rectories of Wolfhamcote, in Warwickshire, 
and Wittlesford, in Cambridgeshire, while William granted 
those of Spellesbury and Chaddesley Corbet, under a licence 
of Richard IL, and they were united and incorporated with St. 
Mary's by a bull of Pope Boniface in 1389, 1 though the legal 
proceedings necessary were not complete till 1393. These 
additions formed by far the largest portion of the endowment 
of the collegiate church, some £210 out of a total of about 
£334 a year at the time of the Valor Ecclesiasticus of 1535. 

In spite of this addition, 2 in another quarter of a century, in 
1415, the financial condition of the college again demanded 
episcopal intervention. The non-resident canons had been 
receiving £10 a year instead of £2 as prescribed by Whittlesey's 
statutes, not leaving enough for the ordinary charges on the 
college. So it was ordered that for the future the treasurer 
should pay all charges first and then divide the residue among 
the canons, at a fixed rate for every day of residence, but so 
that none 'except one or a few' should get more than 20 
marks, £13, 6s. 8d. ; while non-residents were to abate a 
shilling of the statutory £2 for every 6s. 8d. which the 
residents fell short of £13, 6s. 8d., so that if a residentiary 
only got £6, 13s. 4d. the non-resident would only receive £1. 
But, on the other hand, every one was to reckon every day at 
which he was present in his canonical habit at matins to the 
end of lauds, or at high mass, or vespers and compline, as a 
day of residence. Full residence was 260 days, but any one 
might reckon any days ; only, if he took daily payments as 
resident, he was not also to receive stipend as non-resident. 

Any residue, after paying all the canons and placing £20 
to the reserve fund, might be divided among the residentiaries. 

1 Chart., f. 79b. 

2 Exch. Misc. Book, 492, and Chart. 219, in which the date 1415 is given. 


At the same time it was stated that the statute as to names of 
prebends was not observed, and it was ordered to be observed 
and that the prebends should rank in the following order : St. 
Michael's, St. Peter's, St. John's, St. James's, and St. Lawrence's ; 
while the images of St. James and St. Lawrence not yet 
provided were to be provided. The treasurer was to be a 
residentiary unless there were no residents, when he was to 
be chosen from non-residents, but must reside at least a month 
in each quarter. The six choristers were to be boarded and 
lodged in the houses of the dean or of the residentiary canons 
or of the vicars, as they thought best, each canon being 
responsible for the chorister of his stall, and they were to 
have £2 a year allowed for food and clothes. A vicar-choral 
who shirked service was fined Jd., or for high mass Id., 
while clerks and choristers who did so were flogged. 

The canons of Warwick, like the canons of other college 
churches, lived in separate houses near the church. The pic- 
turesque old building known as the College, in which, as will 
be seen, the school was for many years housed, and which was 
sold and wantonly destroyed in 1880, was not, as is commonly 
reputed, the mansion of the canons, but of their vicars-choral. 
The canons did not live in a common house, or share a 
common table, like monks, for the very good reason that in 
early times, and until the middle of the twelfth century, they 
were mostly married men. Living in holy matrimony, and 
having private property, were the unpardonable luxury and 
criminality which provoked the wrath of the monkish prelates, 
Dunstan and Ethelwold, and caused the expulsion of the canons 
from Winchester and Worcester and Canterbury, and the 
substitution of monks in their place, and made the monk 
William of Malmesbury talk of the cathedrals which remained 
secular, like St. Paul's and York, as 'stables of clerks.' 
When, in the middle of the twelfth century, the celibacy of 
the clergy was finally enforced in England, the custom of 
separate houses was too firmly established to be overthrown, 
even if it had been thought desirable to do so. Moreover, not 
a few of the clergy even after that date retained, under the 
name of housekeepers or hearthfellows (focariae), ladies who 
were wives all but in name. The earliest mention of a canon's 


house is in the grant of Earl Roger before mentioned to 
Master John of ' 4d. rent, which he used to pay for the 
mansion in which he lives, and which I have granted and 
given him in alms/ i.e. the tenure known as frankalmoign, 
free from all feudal services, and subject only to divine ser- 
vice and praying for the donor. Earl William, in an undated 
grant, 1 but which, as his uncle Geoffrey and William Bassett, 
sheriff of Warwickshire, witnessed it, was probably nearer 
1153, the beginning, than 1184, the end of his reign, granted 
to 'Nicholas, the King's chaplain, the prebend formerly 
John's,' which comprised ' the stone house which was the said 
John's,' and Earl Waleran's grant of the same prebend to 
Nicholas Brito included ' the stone house.' So that there is 
no doubt that the canon of this prebend enjoyed a separate 
mansion from the beginning. 

The grant by Earl William to William of St. Peter's of a 
house 2 is perhaps the grant of a rectory-house for St. Peter's 
Church rather than a prebendal house. The rectory-house 
became college property in 1367. 

But the grant by the same earl 3 to Richard, son of Ascur, 
Dean of Warwick — a dean hitherto unknown — of five mes- 
suages, with toll and team and sac and soc and infangethef, 
that is, with complete manorial jurisdiction, must mean a grant, 
or more probably a confirmation, to the dean and chapter 
of five prebendal mansions. In the statutes made in 1415* a 
house (mansionem), opposite the west end of the church ' for- 
merly Thomas Knight's,' was assigned for the residence of the 
treasurer, or bursar of the college, at a rent of 6s. 8d. a year, to 
be applied in repairs of the house. Thomas Knight was a canon 
and prebendary of St. James's prebend from 14 July 1392 to 30 
July 1414, 5 and was himself treasurer in 1399. 6 In a rental at 
Michaelmas 1424 7 is the item ' from the Treasurer of St. Mary's 
church, Warwick, for the place in which he lives, a rose.' A 
rose was a common rent for what in later legal jargon is more 
prosaically termed a peppercorn, i.e. a nominal rent. The 

1 Chart., f. 41b. 2 Ibid., f. 37b. 

3 Ibid., f. 41b. 4 Ibid., f. 219. 

5 Worcester Beg. , Wakefield and Peverell under dates. 

6 Chart., f. 232. ''Ibid., f. 32b. 


deanery, it is well kuown, is now the vicarage. In 1305 
Nicholas of Kineton (Kynton), of Warwick, and his wife, 
released to Mr. Robert Tankard, clerk, and his successors, a 
piece (placea) of land which lay between land of Alan of 
Benekastre and land which the said Roger held in right of his 
deanery. This release is headed in the Chartulary, ' a release 
of a piece of the Deanery garden.' x Immediately after the 
dissolution in 1544, the 'Dean's house,' which the dean was 
allowed to occupy rent free up to 24 June 1544, was let 2 for 
£2 a year, a very large house rent, to Richard Catesby, 
Esquire, and on 14 February 1545 it was sold by the king to 
Richard, Roger, and Robert Taverner. 3 Three canons' houses, 
those of Canons Wall, Vaughan, and Whittington, are described 
as being in North Street, and these canons were also allowed 
them rent free up to 24 June, and afterwards rented them at 
£1 a year. Vaughan's house was granted to the burgesses of 
Warwick, 15 May 1545, and became the vicarage. 

The ' Vicars coralls' house,' as it is called at the dissolution, 
was quite distinct. It was probably built about 1340, and had 
been apparently a canon's prebendal house. For in the Chartu- 
lary of the college, under the heading, * For the place in which 
the vicars dwell together/ is a writ issuing from the Court of 
Common Pleas to the Sheriff of Warwick, dated 1 8 November 
1339, testifying that the dean and chapter had in the court at 
Westminster recovered seisin from Adam of Herwynton, pre- 
bendary of the prebend of Shirborne in St. Mary's, Warwick, 
of a messuage and its appurtenances in Warwick, through the 
default of the same Adam, as of the right of their church, 
without any collusion between them, as was found by a jury 
at Warwick held before William of Shareshull on the Satur- 
day before Michaelmas last; and the sheriff was therefore 

1 Chart., f. 42. Relaxacio de quadam particula gardini Decani. Roger 
Tankard, a burgess, was one of the witnesses, while Hugh Tankard was the 
official of the Archdeacon of Worcester in 1327. 

2 P. R. 0. Ministers' Accounts, 35-6, Henry viii., No. 197. 

3 Ibid. 36-7, Henry viii. Mr. Kemp, in A History of Warwick and its 
People, p. 208, says, ' It does not appear when the Corporation, as repre- 
sentatives of the old Dean and Chapter, parted with the Deanery.' This is 
because they never had it. The corporation became the representatives of 
the dean and chapter only to the extent of the very limited grant to be pre- 
sently mentioned. 


directed to give seisin to the dean and chapter. This action 
for recovery of the land was clearly only a fictitious suit, the 
usual mode of conveyance in such cases at that time. It 
represented a gift or sale by Herwynton of his prebendal 
house for the vicars-choral, who up to that time had, no doubt, 
at Warwick as elsewhere, lived wherever they could find 
lodgings. They do not seem ever to have become a separate 
corporation, as the minor canons of St. Paul's, the vicars- 
choral of Hereford, Southwell, and other places became. But 
though not incorporate, they lived a collegiate, not, be it 
observed, a monastic life, together, with a common hall and 
common room, but not like monks with a common dormitory, 
but each having separate chambers, and with, unlike monks, 
each their separate income. 

The number of vicars-choral seems to have been only six, 
the prior of St. Sepulchre's not having a priest- vicar to repre- 
sent him, but maintaining only a subdeacon, an epistolar to 
read the Epistle at mass, in return for the appropriation to the 
priory of the Church of Greetham, in Rutland. 1 The six 
vicars-choral were increased to ten when Richard Beauchamp, 
Earl of Warwick, 1401-32, had founded the Beauchamp 
Chapel, on the south side of the choir, in which he is buried 
— ' one of the finest chapels in England,' says Rows, in words 
which are still true ; ' to the which he ordeyned possessions 
for 4 prestys and 2 clerkys ; and after hyt was moved to the 
Duke of Clarens ' 2 (earl in right of his wife, the king-maker's 
daughter) 'that the 4 prestys or vicars to be perpetual and 
parish prest, and they to were calabre amys ' (amices of grey 
calabrian fur, the usual dress of vicars-choral in collegiate 
churches), ' and for hope of the perpetuyte, the church should 
ever have able men to there quere (choir).' 

After the dissolution the ' Vicars' house ' was let 3 to John 
Wallwyn at £1 a year. Mr. Kemp says that ' on the dissolu- 
tion of the collegiate body it passed into the hands of the 
Corporation, who appear to have soon parted with it, for in 

1 Harl. MS., 154, f. 79. 

2 Statuta Collegii Warwicensis, 1367. P. R. 0. Augmentation Office, 
Misc. Books, No. 492, f. 3. 

3 P. R. 0. Min. Ace. 35-6, Henry vm., No. 197. 


1656 it belonged to John Wagstaffe, Esq.' The assumption 
that it passed to the Corporation is founded on the erroneous 
notion that the Corporation were granted all the property of 
the dean and chapter, and became their 'representatives.' 
But, as will be seen, the Corporation were granted nothing. 
There was no Corporation to be granted anything. The 
inhabitants were incorporated as trustees, and granted the 
rectories of St. Mary, St. Nicholas, and Budbrooke, and their 
vicarages, but these only amounted to a very small part of the 
possessions of the collegiate church, about one-seventh in value 
of the whole. They never had the Vicars-Choral College 
until it was bought for the school in 1699. 

The canons were appointed by the Earl of Warwick for the 
time being, except during the life of Hubert Walter, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 1193-1205, to whom Earl Waleran 
had granted the presentation, 1 perhaps in consideration of a 
confirmation by him 2 of the rights of St. Mary's against the 
prior of St. Sepulchre's. The canons each appointed his own 
vicar-choral until 1367, after which they were appointed by 
the chapter as a whole. 

We find at Warwick the usual four officers or dignitaries : 
dean, schoolmaster or chancellor, precentor, treasurer or sacrist. 
The deanery probably did not exist before the union of the 
two churches in 1123, as the deed contained, as we have seen, 
an express power to the canons to elect a dean. The old con- 
stitution of collegiate churches was that of a republic among 
the canons inter se under the rule of the bishops, which in 
historical times had fallen into a mere suzerainty or over- 
lordship. So it continued to the end at Southwell, 3 Ripon, 
and Beverley Minsters. 4 At York the republic disappeared 
between 1090 and 1100. 5 'After the canons had lived 
together for a few years the Archbishop (Thomas, the first 
Norman archbishop) divided the land of St. Peter, which was 

1 Chart., f. 39a. Deed by H., Archbishop of Canterbury, protesting that 
the presentation to the prebends of Warwick granted him by Earl Waleran 
was personal only, and tor life. 

2 Ibid.,i. 23b, No. 41. 

3 Memorials of Southwell Minster, p. xxxiv. 

4 Memorials of Beverley Minster, p. xxxvii. 

5 History of the Church of York, ii. p. 108. 


still to a great extent waste (owing to the Conqueror's 
devastations), assigning a prebend to each so that the number 
of canons might be increased, and each one, acting for himself, 
might be more zealous in building on and cultivating his own 
share. Then he established a Dean, a Treasurer, and a Pre- 
centor ; he had already established a schoolmaster (magistrum 
scolarum).' A dean was not established at Exeter till 1220; 
a precentor was not established at St. Paul's till after 1267. 
We may impute the creation of the dean at Warwick to the 
year 1123. He was the head of the church, but only as 
primus inter pares, having only a second or casting vote at 
chapters. He was bound to continual residence, and had the 
cure of souls, not only over all members of the church, but, 
according to the statutes made in 1367, in all Warwick. 
Apparently, very soon after the foundation, the earls or the 
priors of St. Sepulchre's, or both, tried to interfere in the 
election of the dean, as papal bulls of 1146 1 and 1157 2 ex- 
pressly forbade the interference of any person, ecclesiastical or 
secular, other than the canons, in the election. The deanery 
being in later times, at least, in the patronage of the earls, the 
Deans do not seem to have been men of mark like the provosts 
of Beverley or the deans of the cathedral churches, who were 
king's clerks and civil servants, becoming chancellors and 

Whether the precentor was created at the same time as the 
dean does not appear. The precentor, one of the canons, is 
mentioned next after the dean in 1428. 3 As there is no trace 
of a new creation, and the church was to have the same 
constitution as Salisbury and Lincoln, where a precentor was 
the second of the principal officers in the original foundations 
of 1090 and 1091, the precentor of Warwick had no doubt 
existed, at least, from the union of the two colleges in 1123. 

The sacrist, sexton, or treasurer is very early and frequently 
mentioned. He took care of the treasures, the plate and 
ornaments of the church, not, like the later treasurer, of its 
income. Three early but undated deeds in the Chartulary 4 
concern a rent of 1 2d. due to the sacrist (sacriste) from a house 

1 Chart., f. 14b. 2 Ibid., f. 16. 

s Ibid., f. 219b. 4 Ibid., f. 43b-44. 


' in the suburb of Warwick in the street (vied) of Saltereford,' 
or Saltisford, as it is also called. There is also a long inventory 
of all the goods of the collegiate church of Warwick, viz. 
books, vestments, silver vessels and other things, made on the 
Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary (2 February) 1407, 
and delivered to John Besseford, then sacrist. 1 A British 
Museum manuscript 2 contains another inventory, made 2 
February 1464, 'between Sir William Berkeswell, deane of the 
church collegiate of Warwick, all his brethren, chanons of 
that churche, being now residents and absents, on the one 
partie, and Thomas Hillesley, sexteyn of newe made of the 
same church collegiate of the other party,' and among the 
items are two surplices for the ' sexten.' 

The most precious thing in this collection was 'j hie taber- 
nacle of silver al gilded, otherwise called a monstrance, ordened 
to bere in goddes body on Corpus Christi Day.' This kingly 
gift was given by Earl Richard Neville, the king-maker, ■ by 
the good mene of my lady Isabell that was his last wief.' 
It weighed no less than 5 lb. 14 oz. 'with the cristall beinge 
in the middel thereof, and with the rething (wreath) of silver 
beynge in the cristal.' 

Perhaps the most interesting part of the ' Sacristan's ' duties 
was the custody of the amazing number of relics kept in St. 
Mary's, a list of which, compiled 9 July 1455, is preserved in 
the Chartulary. 3 

First came 'A Piece of the Cross.' This was common. 
Indeed it has been estimated that there were enough pieces 
of the true cross in England alone to build a three-decker 
battleship of the Nelson era. Next came relics of the patron 
saint. ' Pieces of the hair, clothes, and tomb of the Blessed 
Mary. Girdles of the same,' and after ■ The bones and stole 
of St. Giles the Abbot,' the item of ' A portion of the milk of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary.' The list goes on : — 

' Some oil of St. Katherine the Virgin. 

Relics of St. Edward the King, Swithun and Alkmund, Wilfrid 
and RufinusC?), viz. their bones. 

1 Chart., f. 202b. - Harl. MS., 7505, p. 3. 

3 Chart., f. 205. The original list is in Latin. 


Relics of St. James the Apostle. 

A hair-shirt of St. Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury (Thomas 
a Becket). 

Pieces of the tomb (de tumba) of our Lord Jesus Christ and of 
the thorn which was placed on Jesus' head. 

Pieces of a tooth and bones of St. Lawrence the martyr. 

Part of the chair of the Patriarch Abraham. 

Oil in which fire came from heaven on the vigil of Pentecost. 

A bone of Blessed St. Andrew the Apostle. 

A comb of Blessed Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury. 

Part of Nicodemus' towel, when he carried the Lord's dead body 
at his burial. 

Part of the trees of Mount Calvary. 

Part of the burning bush (de rubo quern viderat Moyses incom- 

An ivory horn (forum) of St. George the Martyr. 

Oil and other relics of Bishop Nicholas (St. Nicholas of Myra, 
in whose honour the Boy Bishop reigned). 

A frying-pan (sartago) of St. Brendan (Brentani). 

Part of the shoulder-blade of St. Martin the Bishop. 

Bones of the Holy Innocents. 

Relics of St. Mary Magdalen. 

Relics of St. Blaise, and St. Thaddeus apostle. 

Relics of St. Hugh of Lincoln, bishop and martyr. 

Piece of the Lord's sepulchre and of the stone of Mount 

Part of the Lord's crib (prcesepe, a stable or crib), and of the 
column to which he was bound when he was scourged. 

Part of the rock on which he was anointed after death. 

Part of the tomb of St. Katherine the Virgin. 

Part of the knee of St. George, and of the rock on which he 
bled in his martyrdom. 

Part of St. Brendan's bones. 

Part of St. Stephen's face. 

Part of the clothes and hair of the Blessed Mary Magdalen. 

Part of the rock in which St. Ann lies buried (jacet). 

Hair of the Blessed Francis. 

Part of the clothes of St. Agnes. 

Part of the veil and tunic of Blessed Clara. 

Relics of St. Cecilia.' 


A later inventory made in February 1464-5, 1 and in English, 
gives rather more detail as to the way in which these relics 
were kept. Precedence is given to the ' here [i.e. the hair- 
shirt] that Saint Thomas of Canterbury wered, beying in a 
caas of black silk.' Next came f j horn of ivory that was 
Saint George's, and a skelet that was Saint Brendane's.' 
Then ' j large cristall well harneized with silver al gild and 
wel enameled, in the whiche is j girdell of oure ladies, goddes 
moder's, with 39 longe barres,' so that her waist must have 
been of ample proportions, ' and j letter under the seal of Saint 
Thomas of Canterbury and other reliques, whiche weighte in 
al his garnisshing, withoute the reliques therynne, 3 lb. 8J oz.' 
A ' rounde glas broken, wel harneized with copper overgild,' 
contained a mixed lot of pieces of the hair, dress, and tomb of 
Blessed Mary, 2 part of the oil 3 in which the fire came from 
heaven on Whitsunday, the stole of St. Giles, and pieces of 
bone of St. Edward the king, Swithin, Rufinus, Alkmund, St. 
Giles the Abbot, St. Wilfrid.' Other crystals contained 
similar assortments of the odds and ends mentioned in the 
previous inventory. The most curious thing is that two 
different crystals contained bits of the Lord's Sepulchre, and, 
as if 39 links were not enough for the Virgin Mary's girdle, 
there was another bit in another crystal. Our Lady's milk, 
and the relics of St. Hugh of Lincoln, bishop and martyr, 
lumped together in the previous inventory, are here separated, 
as being in two different crystals, which is as well, as the 
mythical St. Hugh of Lincoln, boy-martyr, and St. Hugh, the 
bishop of Lincoln, were two very different persons. The only new 
relic seems to have been ' a longe small birell, harneized with 
silver and gild, in the which is part of the bones of the Eleven 
thousand Virgins and others,' weighing 5 J oz. A curious 
item is 'j rounde white ivory cofree set ful of y mages, lokked, 
the key not founde.' There were ' litell coofres of Spaynessh 
werke, in the wich buth (i.e. are) conteyned 9 pieces and j 
corporas caces with divers reliques.' And there is a third 

1 P.R.O. Exch. K.R. Ecclesiastical, Bundle 3, No. 24. 

2 ' De capillis Beate Marie, de veste et sepulcro eiusdem.' 

3 This is presumably the origin of the Pentecostal chrism sent round from 
the mother church at Whitsuntide. 


1 girdell ' of Our Lady's, ' wherthurgh wymmen that have be in 
gret perille at childe birthe have had ofte tymes gracieux help 
and salvour.' 

These lists are amazing records of credulity and superstition 
to be found, not in a monastery, but in a comparatively en- 
lightened college of secular clergy. It is the preservation of 
relics like these, and all that they imply, which explain and 
justify the determination of the more zealous among the 
reformers to leave none of these 'hot-beds of superstition,' 
whether of the regulars or the secular clergy, unplundered, 
nor their inmates undispersed. 

We pass on now to the second (though sometimes he 
ranked as third and even fourth) officer or dignitary of the 
collegiate church, the chancellor or schoolmaster, whose office 
brings us back from the constitution and history of the 
church to that of the school. 




The remaining officer of a collegiate church was the chancellor 
or schoolmaster. There is, however, no trace at Warwick of a 
chancellor of the church under that name. The title of chan- 
cellor was one of comparatively late introduction. At York 
the title was unknown at the date between 1115 and 1125, 
when the history 1 was written from which we have already 
quoted a statement as to Archbishop Thomas having created 
a schoolmaster there before the creation of the dean and other 
dignitaries. The York Statutes, codified in 1307, 2 in which 
the chancellor appears as appointing the grammar school- 
master, expressly state that 'the chancellor was anciently 
called Schoolmaster' {magister scolarum), and under the title 
of Scholasticus 3 this officer is recorded as attending Arch- 
bishop Thurstan on his consecration by the Pope, at Blois, in 
1120. At St. Paul's, London, the records show that the title 
of chancellor did not supersede that of schoolmaster till about 
1205; and a note in its earliest chartulary, referring to some 
deeds affecting the schoolmaster, specifically states that he 
was the same person who was afterwards called chancellor. 
On the other hand, in the Institution of St. Osmund, on the 
foundation of the more modern Salisbury in 1090, if we have 
it (which is doubtful) in its original form, the title chancellor 
is used. As at Warwick the school attached to the College 
of All Saints existed in the days of Edward the Confessor, 
there must have been also a schoolmaster. So here, as at 

1 Early Yorkshire Schools, by A. F. Leach (Yorkshire Archaeological 
Society, 1899), pp. xvi and 10. 

2 Ibid., p. 13. 3 Ibid., p. 12. 



York, the schoolmastership was a more ancient office than the 

Some question as to the relations of the school and school- 
master to the chapter must have been asked of the dean and 
chapter of Salisbury in 1155, as they replied, as we have seen, 
that ' the Scholars stand and fall to their own Master/ i.e. are 
subject to the control and jurisdiction of the master, and not 
of the dean or chapter. This was precisely the case at York 
and St. Paul's, at Lincoln, and of course Salisbury itself, with 
the schoolmaster or chancellor. The regulation of the school 
and scholars was a matter for the officer specially charged 
with the school, not for the dean and chapter. 

After 1155 the next mention of the school is in statutes 
made by the dean and chapter to settle a dispute between the 
grammar schoolmaster and the music or song schoolmaster as 
to their respective rights. These statutes are written in the 
flyleaves of the Chartulary, and are not dated. 

The heading to them is, ' Of the office of the master of the 
Grammar School of Warwick.' * For some reason the words 
grammar school (scolarum gramaticalium) have been erased, 
though not so completely as to render them wholly illegible. 
'For an everlasting remembrance of the matter,' the statute 
begins, ' we, Robert of Leicester, Dean of the Collegiate church 
of the Blessed Mary of Warwick, with the counsel of our 
brethren, decree and order (statuimus et ordinamus) that the 
Master of the Grammar School for the time being shall devote 
himself diligently to the information and instruction of his 
scholars in grammar (gramaticalibus) ; and when not engaged 
in teaching his scholars, shall be present at the services in the 
church in the stall assigned to him, on all feast days, and 
feasts of 9 lessons, and shall, as his office obliges him, read the 
sixth lesson on the said feasts, clad in a surplice or other 
proper (decenti) habit. On greater feasts he shall wear a silk 
cope and fill the office of one of the four precentors in the 
choir and procession, as has hitherto been usual in the church. 
And the same master, every Saturday throughout the year, 
except during school vacations (tempore vacacionis scolarum 
suarum), shall carry in procession with his scholars in the 

1 ' De officio magistri scolarum gramaticalium Warr. 


Lady Chapel of the church two wax candles of 3 lbs. weight, 
to be renewed once a year, and let them burn during the cele- 
bration of mass. We by no means wish that he should provide 
out of his own purse the habit to be worn in church, but 
should receive it out of the common fund.' ! 

These provisions point to the usual position of the school- 
master. According to the institution of St. Osmund, 2 for 
Salisbury, the earliest extant Cathedral Statutes, it was 
the business of the chancellor or archiscola to teach school 
and to correct the books, to hear and determine the lessons, 
besides keeping the chapter seal, writing the chapter letters 
and deeds, and marking the readers on the tables for the day. 
The precentor superintended the singing and singers as the 
chancellor did the reading and the readers. 

In statutes of St. Paul's 3 made some time before 1285, 
probably about 1250, it is said to be the business of the 
chancellor ' to set up the table for lessons, masses, epistles and 
gospels for acolytes and those in course for a week (ebdo- 
madariis) ' : and to keep the chest with the school books (libris 
scolasticis) of the church, ' in a silk cope to wait on the Bishop 
who reads the last lesson,' while in statutes of a little later 
date, he is also said ' himself to read the sixth lesson.' 

The reference to the sixth lesson shows us that the school- 
master was only obliged to attend services on the greater 
feasts. On ordinary days there were three lessons (lectiones) 
or readings ; on lesser saints' days there were six lessons ; but 
on the real ' holydays,' Sundays, and the greater saints' days 
there were nine lessons. They were curious little scraps of 
never more than three verses of the Scriptures in length. On 
Sundays the first three lessons were generally out of the 
Bible, the rest being taken out of commentaries or sermons 
on them. On saints' days the first three lessons generally 
told the story or legend of the saint, the rest being either 
amplification or commentaries on it. They were interspersed 

1 There is some mistake in the text here, 'percipit' being apparently 
written for 'percipiendum.' 

3 Lincoln Cathedral Statutes, Bradshaw and Wordsworth, ii. p. 9. 

3 Archives of St. Paul's Cathedral. Book WD. 19 and Baldock and Lisieux 
Statutes in Simpson's Statutes of St. Paul's, p. 76. 


with responds and verses, being remarks or quotations supposed 
to be suggested by the story, which were sung. In fact, the 
whole thing approached very near to a dramatic representation 
on the model of a Greek play, the lessons intoned being the 
play, and the responds and verses, the chorus, as 'the ideal 
commentator ' ; and it is out of them that the medieval and 
modern drama developed. Thus on St. Andrew's Day, the 
first saint's day of the Christian year, the lessons told the 
legend of his martyrdom on his peculiar form of cross 'bound 
hand and foot as on the wooden horse,' while the ' response ' 
to the first lesson consisted of the piece out of the gospels in 
which Christ calls him, and the ' verse ' of a repetition of the 
words, ' Come after me and I will make you fishers of men.' 
The responses and verses of the other lessons added bits of 
commentary on it or pious reflections. One of the chief 
reforms in the services at the Reformation was in the lessons, 
connected pieces of the Bible being read in an audible voice. 
The change is justified in the preface to the Prayer Book by 
reference to the ' decent order of the ancient fathers ' having 
been altered ' by planting in uncertain stories and legends, 
with multitude of responds, verses, vain repetitions, com- 
memorations and synodals.' 

As regards the grammar schoolmaster acting as a precentor 
or ruler of the choir, we must remember that every grammar 
scholar had also to learn singing. On the very eve of the Re- 
formation the most famous schoolbook of the day, a ' Vulgaria,' 
published by William Horman, a Winchester scholar, Vice- 
Provost of Eton, who had been headmaster first of Eton, then 
of Winchester, contains the remarkable sentence, 'Without 
knowledge of music, grammar cannot be perfect.' 

The object of the Warwick statutes was not, however, to 
set out the common form regulations as to the grammar 
schoolmaster's duties, but to settle a particular dispute. The 
last clause runs, ' That all material for strife and disagreement, 
which we learn has hitherto arisen between the Master and 
Music Schoolmaster (magistrum scolarum musice) over the 
Donatists and little ones learning their first letters and the 
psalter (Donatistas et primas litteras et psalterium addiscentes) 
may be put a stop to for ever, after due inquiry in the matter 



and with the advice of our brethren, and so that the Masters 
and each of them may receive their due, and that undue 
encroachment of scholars on one side and the other may cease 
for the future ; we decree and direct to be inviolably observed 
that the present Grammar Master (magister gramatice) and his 
successors shall have the Donatists, and thenceforward have, 
keep, and teach scholars in grammar or the art of dialectic, if 
he shall be expert in that art, while the Music Master shall 
keep and teach those learning their first letters the psalter, 
music and song.' Then follows another statute, ' Of the office 
of the Music Master.' This directs the music master ' to be 
present at the Lady Mass in the Lady Chapel every day with 
two of his scholars to sing in praise of the Virgin all the music 
after the Agnus Dei ; while at processions and on the greater 
double feasts he is to wear a silk cope and fill the office of a 
precentor (one of the four rcctores chori or conductors), and as 
above stated is to instruct and teach his scholars with all the 
diligence he may.' 

The statutes conclude with a direction that ' the Masters 
aforesaid, who shall be presented by the Dean to the Grammar 
School of the town of Warwick or the Music School (scolis 
f/ramatice ville Warmvici seu musice), shall on their admission 
take their bodily oath in the Chapter of the church together 
with their oath of obedience, which they are bound to take to 
the Dean, to observe all and singular the premises, giving 
always to the Dean and his brethren their ancient privileges 
and customs in the said schools.' The guilt of perjury was to 
be incurred ipso facto by any non-observance of these statutes, 
unless special leave was obtained from the dean, and the dean 
was to punish severely any such non-observance. An ex- 
planatory clause is appended that ' the Masters were not bound 
to these duties during holidays (vacacionis suarum scolarum 
tempore), except that if they were in Warwick on any double 
feast during vacations they were to officiate in the church, if 
conveniently possible, as before expressed.' 

It is very tantalising that not only are these statutes 
undated, but also the dean who made them is hitherto un- 
known. There is a gap of 100 years in the list of deans 
between Jordan (Jordanus), who is assigned by Dugdale to 



. ; /Si 4f*»Jpfy-9f 


•—V*/ — * A ^ ^ *HtlT «fW «tt^ fol»C 

fc £>*♦* «U? St fr*nT ^Vijtfj* /fcfoi^f ^«b^$ tn^ 


usnttbt) ^n 




5* tn>tf^a{W ^ nJ^^^ 

fj^+wfattemtf sparing* 




: W«*W'» 

JW »«m #$tttfttf wt-a*nt* $tf $tj»i pJicn^ ^m«<^ aStftcv<Sb v 


Statute for Warwick Grammar School, c. 1215 or 1315. 

From S. Mary's C/iart,i/„ rj ,, 

Statute for Music Master, c. 1215 or 1315. 


the year 1182, and Robert de Plessets, de Plesseto or Plecy, 
i.e. probably Pleshey, in 1282. We can insert in the gap 
after Jordan the name of Richard, son of Ascur, Dean of 
Warwick, 1 to whom a grant was made by Earl William, who 
died in the Holy Land in 1184. Robert of Leicester may 
conceivably have been the next in succession. A Robert of 
Leicester is mentioned in the register of the Cistercian Abbey 
of Combe, 2 and, according to Dugdale, was nephew and co-heir 
of Reginald Basset of Wolvey with Yvo of Dene, who gave 
the manor of Wolvey to Combe. Reginald Basset, sheriff 
of Warwickshire in 1208, had himself given the rectory of 
Wolvey, half to Combe, half for a canonry in Lichfield Cathedral, 
and Robert of Leicester and William of Leicester, canons of 
Lichfield, with Henry of Leicester, prior of Coventry, their 
cousin or uncle, founded a chantry 3 in Coventry Cathedral for 
Henry of Leicester. The Bassets were great people in the 
county. William Basset, one of the witnesses to a grant 
about 1180 4 of a prebend in the collegiate church, St. Mary's 
Warwick, by Earl William to Nicholas, King's chaplain, is 
described as Sheriff of Warwickshire. Thomas Basset of 
Haddington 3 was guardian of Henry, Earl of Warwick and 
keeper of Warwick Castle about 1206; and Philip Basset 
married Ela, Countess of Salisbury, widow of Thomas, Earl of 
Warwick, who died in 1242. 5 Any one connected with the 
Bassets, therefore, at this date had a good chance of a piece of 
preferment like the deanery, which, if the patronage did not 
then belong directly to the earls, must at least have been 
under their influence. Thus, at the end of the thirteenth 
century, Robert de Plesseto, de Plessetis, Plessets or Plescy, as 
he is variously called, the dean of 1282, w r as no doubt a 
connection of the John de Plesseto, 6 who became earl by 
marrying Margaret, sister and heiress of Earl Thomas, about 

A Ralph of Leicester was canon of Lichfield in 1248. 
Simon, son of Robert of Leicester, witnessed 7 a grant by 

1 Chart., f. xlj. 

2 Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 66, from Register Combi, f. 83. But the 
register itself does not seem to assert the relationship. 

3 Warwickshire, p. 164. 4 Chart., f. 41. 5 Ibid. 
6 The Bows Rol. "' Chart. , f. 40. 


Robert de Curli to the vicars-choral of land in Salter forth on 
the feast of SS. Gervase and Protasius, 26 Henry in., 19 June 
1241. Peter of Leicester was a canon of Warwick in 1295 1 
and was granted the custody of the sequestration of Wolfham- 
cote vicarage in 1299. 2 If Robert of Leicester, the heir of 
Reginald Basset of Wolvey, was our dean, this Simon might 
very well be his son, either before or even while he was dean, 
since being a dean by no means necessarily involved being in 
holy orders, as we know from such conspicuous instances as 
William of Wykeham, 3 who was dean of the ancient collegiate 
church of St. Martin's le Grand in 1360, while only as yet 
in the first tonsure which schoolboys had, and not even an 
acolyte; and Cardinal Pole, who was dean of Wimborne in 
1535 4 while yet an acolyte. Assuming that this Robert was 
our dean, the school statutes must belong to the first half of 
the thirteenth century. If so, Warwick School may claim, 
not only the earliest charter, directly establishing its pre- 
Conquest existence, but also the earliest extant school 

So far had I established the antiquity of these statutes. 
But, unfortunately, further research suggests a doubt whether 
Robert of Leicester is not to be identified with a dean already 
known under the name of Robert de Geryn. On 12 February 
1314 letters dimissory for all holy orders, i.e. leave to be 
ordained by a bishop other than his own diocesan, were 
granted in London by the Bishop of Worcester 5 to ' Master 
Robert Gerin of Leicester, dean of the collegiate church of 
St. Mary of Warwick, acolyte.' On 31 July following he is 
called in one place 6 Robert Dean, in another Robert Gerin, 
Dean, while in the Warwick Chartulary in 1329 he is called 
Robert de Geryn. Though Robert of Gerin would thus 
appear to have been his usual name, it is difficult to avoid the 
inference that he is the Robert of Leicester who made the 

1 Pope Nicholas's Taxation. 

- Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 367, from Register Xorthbvrgh, f. 27b, and 
Register Langton, f. 22a. 

3 Life of William Wykeham, by G. H. Moberly, 18S7, p. 43. 

4 Valor Ecclesiasticus. 

5 Reg., Walter Maydestan, f. 21. 
e Ibid., f. 30 and 32. 


statutes. If so, their date is between 1314 and 1329 instead 
of a century earlier. 

These statutes do not, it is true, give us any detailed picture 
of school life or systems of instruction at that date. But they 
illustrate and confirm several important features of English 
education before the Reformation which have until lately been 
obscured, ignored, or altogether denied. For instance, they 
help to bridge a gap of 150 years hitherto existing in the 
evidence that all through the Middle Ages schoolmastering 
was ' a gainful profession,' and that grammar or public school- 
masters lived largely on tuition fees. And here one must 
repeat, even at the risk of doing so ad nauseam, that the 
distinction between grammar and public schools is absolutely 
modern and is not a real distinction at all. Winchester, Eton, 
Westminster, Harrow, Rugby are just as much grammar 
schools by foundation and proper title as, to take their nearest 
geographical parallels, Southampton, Reading, St. Paul's, St. 
Albans or Coventry ; while these latter are just as much 
entitled to be called public schools as the former, and a 
great deal more so than private properties like Cheltenham, 
or Clifton. The difference between the so-called public 
schools and the grammar schools was merely one of numbers 
and wealth, not of subjects of instruction or educational 
status, and is now not even one between a school with day- 
boys and with boarders. The real distinction is between 
great and small public schools, not between public schools 
and grammar schools. 

The earliest date at which hitherto any evidence is forth- 
coming of a contest for the right to keep school, and therefore 
inferentially to take the profits arising from doing so, is that 
of Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester in his own city of 
Winchester, and also as acting-bishop of London, in the city 
of London. In both capacities he appears as putting down 
rival and unlicensed schools in the interests of the recognised 
grammar school. The London decree threatened excommuni- 
cation against any one infringing the rights of Henry, school- 
master of St. Paul's school, by keeping a school without his 
licence, in London or its suburbs, except in the privileged 
areas of the liberty of the pre-Conquest collegiate church of 


S. Martin's le Grand, and the Archbishop of Canterbury's 
1 peculiar/ the church of St. Mary de Arcubus, the seat of the 
Court of Arches, St. Mary-le-Bow, Cheapside. Its date was 
1137. 1 The Winchester decree, which was an appeal to the 
court of Canterbury from the Bishop of Winchester, in the 
case of Fantosme v. Jekyll, and ended in an appeal to the 
Pope, of which the issue is unknown, was probably a few 
years later. It likewise threatened excommunication against 
the rival schoolmaster. The next published evidence of this 
fact is of the date 1304-5, when the chapter of Beverley 
Minster, 2 at the instance of the master of Beverley grammar 
school, put down by excommunication and threats of ex- 
communication rival schools, which without his authority had 
been established within their liberty; while in 1312 3 a dis- 
pute between the grammar and song schoolmasters of Beverley, 
as to whether all the choristers of the church, or only the 
original number of seven, were to be admitted free to the 
grammar school or compelled to pay fees {solvere solarium), 
was settled in favour of freedom ; conclusive proof that 
grammar schoolmasters, then as now, were paid at least in 
part by tuition fees. The Warwick statutes, if of the date 
circa 1215, conveniently fall about halfway between the date 
of the London and Beverley decrees for the suppression of 
overlapping in schools. 

These Warwick statutes are also important in demonstrating 
that even at this early date grammar schools were not, as they 
have been and still are persistently misrepresented to have 
been, up to the Reformation, mere machines for teaching a few 
choristers their psalms ; but, on the contrary, that there were 
special and separate schools for this latter purpose — namely, 
the song schools, which were entirely distinct and under dis- 
tinct management. Curious it is to find even in the thirteenth 
century at Warwick, and, as we have also noted, in the four- 
teenth century at Beverley, the masters of song schools, which 
performed the function of elementary schools, like elementary 
schoolmasters in these latter days, not content to do their own 

1 History of Winchester College, pp. 37-9. 

2 Memorials of Beverley Minster (Surtees Society), pp. 42, 48, 103. Early 
Yorkshire School*, i . 80-9. 

:i Ibid. , p. 94. 


work well, but seeking to leave their proper field and trespass 
on the work of the grammar schools. The division between 
the grammar or secondary school and the song and reading 
or elementary school was as much a vexed question in the 
first quarter of the thirteenth century as it is in the first 
quarter of the twentieth century. 

At Warwick, as at all collegiate churches, there were two 
schools : the grammar school under the schoolmaster, and the 
song school under the music or song schoolmaster. The 
grammar school gave instruction in grammar, that is in 
literature, classical literature, dialectic or the art of argument, 
the beginnings of philosophy, and rhetoric or the art of 
persuasion, including composition. The song school taught 
besides singing, reading, and, we may suppose, writing. The 
earliest direct documentary evidence that I have met with in 
other places of a song school being also an elementary school 
is at Howden in 1394. The prior of Durham Cathedral 
Monastery was the ' ordinary ' of Howdenshire, the district in 
the East Riding of Yorkshire of which Howden was the capital. 
In 1393 the Durham Priors' Register 1 shows us the prior 
appointing in December one person master of the grammar 
school for three years, and in July another person master of 
the song school for five years. The song schoolmaster, however, 
held office for only a year. On 2 July 1394 2 Sir Edmund 
Marsh, chaplain, was collated to the school of Howden, both 
reading and song (scolas nostras de Houeden tarn lectuales quam 
cantuales), for three years, and it is evident that this was no 
new mixture, as it is expressly said that the collation was ' as 
hitherto accustomed ' (prout hactenus conferi consueverunt). 
Seven years later a new master was appointed to the same 
school of reading and song, with a reservation of the right of 
one John Lowyke to teach eighteen boys reading, if he likes to 
keep a reading school. Similar appointments were made to 
William Lowyke, clerk, in 1402 and 1412, and to John Ellay, 
chaplain, in common form (in communi forma) in 1426. But, 
oddly enough, after an appointment to the grammar school in 

1 Brit. Mus. Faustina A, vi. 104b, printed in Early Yorkshire Schools, 
ii. 84. 

2 Ibid., f. 105b. 


1403 'during pleasure,' with a direction that, as at Warwick, 
the boys were to attend the Lady Mass in the collegiate 
church, there is an appointment in 1409 of William Malton 
to teach boys both grammar and reading. So that from 
1409 to 1412 there was overlapping between grammar and 
song school as far as teaching reading was concerned. In 
1406 again the reading and grammar schools (scolastam 
lectuales quam gramaticales) were united in the person of John 
Armandson, B.A. 

At Northallerton, in Yorkshire, the junction of grammar 
and song school took place earlier, for while in 1322 Robert 
Colstan, clerk, was appointed rector of the grammar school, in 
1377 John Pudsey, clerk, was appointed 'Master of our School 
in Allerton ' on the ground of his sufficiency to teach ' both 
grammar and song,' and in 1385 the mixture was repeated; 
while in 1440 John Leuesham, chaplain, was made master of 
a triune school, reading, song, and grammar (scolas tarn lectuales, 
cantuales quam gramaticales). 

It is noticeable that the Black Death intervened between 
the separate appointment to the grammar school and the 
junction of the two schools. The scarcity of clerics produced 
by the Black Death lowered the standard of education, for 
the time at least. It is a testimony to the larger life and 
higher standard of Warwick that attempted confusion of 
functions there, by invasion of the song schoolmaster, was 
stopped on appeal by the chapter's decision, embodied in the 

The casus belli was apparently as to whether the grammar 
school or the song school should be adorned by the presence 
of the Donatists. It would appear it was common ground 
that the song school might claim all those who were learning 
music and song, including those who were learning to read as 
well as sing the psalter and their first letters. The dispute 
was whether Donatists were to be included among those 
learning their first letters or not. The word Donatists does 
not, of course, in this connection mean the set of heretics of 
that name who in the year 311 were developed in Africa, that 
prolific source of heresies. It means those who were learning 
the accidence or elementary grammar of Donatus, /Elius 


Donatus, a schoolmaster at Rome in the same century, about 

All that we know of his life is derived from the writings of 
St. Jerome, or, to give him his proper name, Hieronymus, who 
mentions him several times as his own master (praeceptor mens), 
and always in terms of praise. The one remark recorded of 
him should alone entitle him to an everlasting fame. Apropos 
of Solomon's dictum x that there is nothing new under the sun, 
Jerome cites ' the comedian's,' i.e. Terence's saying that ' every 
good thing has been said before ' (omne bonum dictum est prizes), 
' expounding which verse,' he says, ' my master Donatus used 
to say, " Perish those who have said our good things before 
us " (Pereant qui ante nos nostra dixerunt).' In another place 
Jerome tells his opponent Rufinus that he had no doubt 
read as a boy the commentaries of his (Jerome's) master 
Donatus on Terence's Comedies and on Virgil, and informs 
us that the famous teachers at Rome 2 in his day were 
1 Victorinus the rhetorician and Donatus the grammarian, my 

This famous schoolmaster produced two works in grammar 
distinguished as the 'greater' and 'lesser' arts of grammar. 
The Ars Major, in three books, was not so famous as the Ars 
Major of the later author Priscian, a Constantinople school- 
master, who about the middle of the sixth century composed a 
grammar in eighteen books (the ' books ' are only the modern 
1 chapters,' not volumes), mostly translated from the Greek 
grammarians, which took rank as the standard advanced 
grammar throughout the Middle Ages. It was Donatus's 
smaller work, Donati departibus orationis Ars Minor, or, ' The 
Lesser Catechism on the Parts of Speech,' which reigned with- 
out a rival for a thousand years, and made its author's name, 
under its Anglicised or Gallicised form of a 'Donat' or a 'Donet,' 
a household word throughout Europe. There is a Donat in 
the British Museum written in Anglo-Saxon characters in 
the ninth century. The qualification laid down by William of 
Wykeham for his scholars of Winchester in 1400 was that 
they should be ' well-instructed in reading, song, and old 

1 Hieronymus in Ecclesiasten, c. 1. 

2 Romse insignes habentur. — In Chron. Eusebii. 


Donatus.' x A Donatus was among the earliest books printed 
by Wynkyn de Worde and Pynson. In the Pastime of Pleasure, 
by S. Hawes in 1509, Grande Amour tells how 'Lady Gramer 
taught me first my Donat, then my accidence'; and in 1535 
Tindal's parallel to Macaulay's ' fifth-form boy ' is to say, ' I 
had nede go lerne my Donate and accidence again.' 

So entirely had the name of Donatus become identified with 
a primer or introductory handbook in any subject, that in 
1362 2 Avaricia, in Piers Plowman, speaks of learning the art 
of fraudulent shop-keeping, as ' going among drapers my donet 
to learn'; and in 1443 Reginald Pecock, the Bishop of 
Chichester, who was convicted and deprived for heresy, because 
he ventured to discuss the disendowment of the clergy, called 
one of his books A Donet in Christian Religion, explaining that 
' as the common donet bereth himself towards the full lerning 
of Latin, so this booke for Godde's Lawe.' 

The Donet fully deserved its vogue, being a model of clear- 
ness and conciseness, occupying but ten octavo pages in modern 
print. It is couched in the form of a catechism. 

' How many parts of speech are there 1 — Eight. What 1 ? — Noun, 
Adjective, Pronoun, Verb, Participle, Preposition, Conjunction, 
Interjection. What is a Noun 1 — A part of speech which is de- 
clined, properly or commonly signifying a body or thing. How 
many accidents has a noun 1 — Six. What ? — Quality, comparison, 
gender, number, figure, declension. In what does the quality of a 
noun consist 1 — It is two-fold, either a name, when it is called a 
proper name, or is a name of many things and called appellative. 
How many figures of nouns are there 1 — Two. What ? — Simple, 
as becoming, potent : compound, as unbecoming, impotent. How 
many cases of nouns are there 1 — Six. What 1 — Nominative (etc.). 
By these, nouns, pronouns, and participles of all genders are 
declined, thus: " Magister" noun appellative, of the masculine 
gender, singular number, simple figure, nominative and vocative 

1 So, too, it was a requirement for admission of the grammar boys at the 
College of Boissy in Paris University, founded in 1359, that they should 
have learned 'Donatus and Cato,' i.e. the pseudo-Cato's MorcUia, or pro- 
verbs in Latin verse, the first Latin book. Universities of Europe in the 
Middle Ages, by H. Rashdall, ii. 602, from Du Boulay's University of Paris, 
ii. 354-5. 

2 New English Dictionary, under donet. 


case, uhich will be declined thus : " Nominative hie magister, 
genitive hujus magistri, dative hide magistro" ' and so on. 

Musa is the example for a feminine noun, which was only in 
the sixteenth century displaced for mensa ; scamnum, a bench, 
for a neuter noun ; sacerdos for one of either sex, while felix 
serves for an adjective. The arrangement of the declensions 
was, in a medieval MS., calculated to turn the unhappy begin- 
ner's brain, because, instead of the declensions being cast, as in 
our grammars, into a tabulated form, they go straight on in con- 
tinuous lines, most puzzling to the eye. But this was the case 
with medieval books in general, tabulation being almost un- 
known. The Donat stopped short with the ' accidence ' of parts 
of speech, leaving syntax and construction for the larger work. 

The question whether boys learning their Donat were to 
be reckoned as elementary scholars, and therefore admitted to 
the song school, or as secondary schoolboys, and therefore to 
be taught in the grammar school, was a vexed one in many 
places, and was determined variously at various times and 
places. Thus at Breslau, in 1267, a contest, similar to that at 
Warwick between the song or elementary school and the 
grammar school, was settled by a papal bull. Breslau, like 
twelfth-century Warwick, seems to have possessed a church 
in the town and a church in the castle, and the papal legate 
settled their respective claims by declaring that ' there may 
be in the city of Breslau by S. Mary Magdalen's church 
a school in which the little boys may be taught the 
alphabet with the Lord's Prayer, and the salutation of the 
Virgin, with the Creed, psalter, and 7 psalms ; they may learn 
there, too, singing, so as to be able to read and sing in the 
churches to the honour of God. They may also in the 
same school learn (audiant, listen to lectures in) Donatus, 
Cato, and Theodolus, and the Boys' Rules (regulae pueriles, i.e. 
versified books of manners). But if the said boys wish to 
learn more advanced books, they must pass to the school of S. 
John in the castle, or wherever they wish.' x But it must be 

1 Rashdall's Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ii. 602, from Bres- 
lauer Urkundenbuch, ed. Korn, Breslau, 1870, p. 35. Mr. Rashdall himself, 
in this as in other places, has not appreciated the distinction between the 
song, or elementary, and the grammar schools. 


noted that the allowance of Donatus and Cato was an innova- 
tion, a concession to complaints of the elementary schoolmasters 
as to the inconvenience of sending small boys outside the town 
to the castle church school. The song school was, as at 
Warwick, normally confined to those who had not begun their 
Donat. This was the law of the church, the common law of 
schools. Thus, one of the decretals runs, ' Every priest who 
has a cure (qui plebem regit) should have a clerk to sing with 
him and to read the epistle and lesson, who is able to keep a 
school (qui possit scolas tenere) and to admonish the parishioners 
to send their sons to the church to learn the faith ; and 
who may teach them with all chastity.' A gloss adds, ' a 
school, to teach the Psalter and singing.' A similar dispute 
as to the spheres of grammar and elementary schools is to be 
found at Canterbury in 1322, 1 between Mr. Ralph, master of 
Canterbury Grammar School (rector scolarum gramaticalium 
civitatis nostrc Cantuariensis), and Mr. Robert Henneys, rector 
of St. Martin's, by Canterbury, and the master of the school 
(scolarum) of the same place appointed by him. The school- 
master of Canterbury Grammar School, the direct ancestor of 
the present so-called King's School there, complained that Mr. 
John of Bucwell, the St. Martin's schoolmaster, admitted every- 
body who chose to come to learn grammar, though by ancient 
custom he was not allowed to have more than 13 scholars in 
grammar. The Commissary of the Official-Principal of Canter- 
bury, the local deputy, that is, of the Judge of the Court of 
Arches, held an inquiry and took the evidence of a mixed 
jury of clerics and laics, who found that by ancient custom 
there ought not to be more than 13 boys learning grammar 
in St. Martin's school, that the Canterbury master had the 
right of visiting the school to see whether there were more 
than that number, and when his usher, or undermaster (hos- 
tiarius vel submonitor), visited the school, any beyond that 
number used to hide themselves ; but no limit was imposed 
on the number of those learning the alphabet, the psalter, and 
singing. This finding was, on appeal to the Court of Arches, 
confirmed by the Dean of Arches on 13 April 1324. 

1 Canterbury Cathedral Register, i. 370(b), partly printed in Somner's 
History of Canterbury, A pp. No. xxxiii. p. 33, ed. 1703. See the Times, 
Sept. 7, 1897. 


At Saffron Walden, in 1423, a subsequent similar contest 
took place between the Abbot of Walden, who asserted the 
right to appoint the master of the grammar school 1 in the 
town of Walden, and that such grammar schoolmaster had the 
sole right of teaching, not only the alphabet and the * graces,' 
i.e. the graces before and after meals (which had then become 
substituted for the psalter as the vehicle of elementary instruc- 
tion), but in other higher books (aliis altioribus libris). But 
two chantry priests in the parish church had set up schools on 
their own account, and affected to teach grammar as well as 
the alphabet and graces. The abbot inhibited the chantry 
priests from teaching at all; but the matter was eventually 
compromised on the basis of their being allowed to teach the 
alphabet and graces to one boy of each family in Walden, 
while all others were to go to the grammar school. The case 
has become famous owing to Lord Braybrooke, who first pub- 
lished the document which was in his possession at his house 
at Audley End, close to the site of Walden Abbey, having 
misread the word ' graciis ' into ' graecis,' and so claimed that 
already, in 1423, Saffron Walden gloried in schoolmasters who 
taught Greek; more than fifty years before the first Greek 
teacher in England was imported to New College at Oxford ! 
Oddly enough, the same word correctly read was misconstrued 
by Mrs. Green, in her brilliant book on Town Life in the Fif- 
teenth Century, 2 to mean ' the humanities,' which she says c did 
not imply culture in anything like our sense of the word, nor yet 
taken from the literary point of view, but the old ecclesiastical 
description which included, above all things, logic' But 'the 
humanities ' was just what those chantry priests were not to 
teach ; they were to be confined to elementary teaching, the 
alphabet, and the graces. The ordinance did not mean that 
the inhabitants of Saffron Walden were to be deprived of what 
we should call secondary education, but only that the second- 
ary schools and the elementary schools were to be distinct, 
and that the elementary schoolmasters were not to trench on 
the province of the grammar schoolmaster. 

At Warwick, it was a sign of superiority that the grammar 

1 Hist. MSS. Commission Report, viii. 281. Lord Braybrooke's MSS. 

2 Macmillan and Co., 1894, ii. 18. 


and song schools were distinct, and that the dean and chapter 
fully recognised and enforced the distinction ; and that the 
grammar schoolmaster was to teach dialectic as well as 
grammar. The ' Seven Sciences of the Middle Ages, derived 
from M. Aurelius Cassiodorus ' (De artibus ac disciplinis libera- 
lium artium), were, as is well known, divided into two parts : 
the Trivium, consisting of grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric ; 
and the Quadrivium, of mathematics, viz. arithmetic, geometry, 
music, and astronomy. After the separation between grammar 
school and university school took place, the first three became 
the province of the grammar school. Some authorities, such 
as Cassiodorus himself, put rhetoric after grammar. Later 
authorities put dialectic in the second place, and rhetoric in 
the third. Alcuin, the great schoolmaster of York at the end 
of the eighth century, and afterwards of Germany under 
Charlemagne, placed both rhetoric and dialectic under the 
heading of logic. But dialectic is what we call logic. As 
the Mirrour of the World, a translation by Caxton in 1460, 
from a French translation made in 1245 of the Latin original, 
says, 'The second science is logyke, whyche is called dyalec- 
tyque. This science proueth the pro and the contra. That is 
to saye, the write or trouthe and otherwyse.' 

At Warwick, apparently, the same order was adopted, logic 
following grammar. It is difficult to make out what text- 
book was used. Alcuin had written treatises on grammar and 
dialectic, which were extremely popular, being lively dialogues, 
the first between a Frank and a Saxon boy, the last between 
Charlemagne and Alcuin himself under the name of Albinus. 
In a list of books written at the end of a MS., l whicli 
belonged apparently to a schoolmaster at Canterbury, is 
written in Anglo-Saxon, ' This syndon tha bee tha ^Ethel- 
stanes weran ' (* These are the books that were Athelstan's '). 
And a list of ten books, mostly grammatical, including both the 
greater and lesser Donatus, follows. Among them are 'Alchuin ' 
and Isidore of Seville. It is probable, however, that by the 
time of which we are writing Alcuin had become out of date. 

The chief text-book seems to have been the Isidore of Seville, 
from whom Alcuin borrowed, and whom he for a time super- 

1 Cott. Dow. i. 


seded. A copy of his work on ' Etymologies,' which includes 
treatises on dialectic and rhetoric, was given by William of 
Wykeham to Winchester College, apparently as the text-book 
for use in the school. It is described in the contemporary 
catalogue as Liber continens Isidorum Ethamologisarum cum ij 
tractatibus gramaticalibus, price 3s. 4d. 1 This work, the com- 
position of which is imputed to about 650, is not itself original, 
but based chiefly on Cassiodorus, a century earlier, who in his 
turn copied and translated into Latin the Isagoge, or Intro- 
duction of Porphyrins. It is a short abstract of logical defini- 
tions and formulas. It explains what is meant by genus and 
species, property, differentia, and accidents ; the ten predica- 
ments, substance, quantity, quality, and the like ; and the nine 
modes of syllogisms or arguments from universal to universal, 
universal to particular, and particular to universal, and so on ; 
but not yet reduced to the * Barbara, Celarent, Darii ' formula 
of later days. In all probability this was the book in vogue 
at Warwick at this time. 

The studv of dialectic must have been a great relief from 
eternal gerund-grinding, and the perpetual pious platitudes 
of the ' Christian poets,' Sedulius, Juvencus, Arator, Pruden- 
tius, which had for the most part superseded the classical 
authors in school curricula. Not, indeed, that even in dialectic 
you got very far away from pious platitudes. Alcuin's example 
of a syllogism is ' All virtue is useful, chastity is a virtue, 
therefore chastity is useful.' Nor were the etymologies very 
sound. Alcuin told his royal pupil that dialectic is so called 
' because in it men dispute about what is said, nam lecton 
dictio dicitur ' ; while Peter Hispanus, who became Pope John 
xxi., said that it was derived from dia quod est duo, and lecton 
quod est dictio, because it puts two and two together. It was 
not till 1520 that the text-books on logic set these and like 
absurdities aside. 

But with all the shortcomings of the text-books, dialectic 
was an excellent training for the mind, more especially 
as it was accompanied by practical work in argument : 
the boys being set to ' pose ' and answer each other, the 
master ' determining.' In the absence of any such practice 

1 Archaeological Journal, xv. 69. 


now, and to mitigate the ferocity of eternal grammar, Greek, 
Latin, French, and English, our schools have to start debating 
and essay societies to teach to some extent out of school by 
practice and rule of thumb what our forefathers learned in 
school scientifically and by rule. No doubt, as in all things 
medieval, there was a great deal too much formalism, a super- 
abundance of definition and classification, and the letter was 
apt to kill the spirit. But still the mere introduction to 
predicables and syllogisms, and learning to detect and name 
fallacies in argument, was itself a life-giving exercise. It was 
certainly appreciated by the youth of the day. After all, 
it was to dialectic, and to those great masters of it, Abelard, 
Wycliffe, and Luther, that we owe the development of the 
theological schools into universities, the enfranchisement of 
the human intellect, and the consequent reformation in the 
theological domain itself. 

From the date of these statutes of the twelfth or thirteenth 
century there is an absolute dearth of documents relating to 
the school until we come to the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury. The learning of that century has been decried by 
writers who have accepted the abuse and contempt poured on 
it by the writers of the succeeding century as barbarous and 
retrograde. That it was less advanced than the age which 
succeeded it may readily be admitted, and that its productions 
in the Latin tongue were often less elegant than those of the 
twelfth century may also be allowed. But to the reformers of 
the sixteenth century, both in religion and learning, in archi- 
tecture and painting, the fifteenth century was merely old 
enough to be old-fas li ion ed, and therefore more or less ridicu- 
lous, without having become old enough to be antique and 
admired as ancient. It is absurd to suppose that learning 
was less in the fifteenth century than in the twelfth. Ignor- 
ance only can excuse the assumption that Thomas Bekynton, 
scholar of Winchester and of New College, Bishop of Bath and 
Wells and Privy Seal, chief agent of Henry vi. in the founda- 
tion of Eton, whose excellent Latin letters have been preserved 
for us, was less learned or less cultured than Thomas Becket, 
the chancellor of Henry il, or that the great canon lawyer, 
Lyndwood, was inferior in knowledge or learning to John of 


Salisbury. No age can afford to be disrespectful to that 
which witnessed the renaissance of Greek learning and the 
birth of English literature in the English tongue. 

Warwick and Warwick School in this century may enrol a 
noted name in the man who may fairly claim to be the father 
of English antiquarianism, John Rows, as he spells himself; 
Rossus in Latin, which he tells us means Rufus or red. 
Leland testifies * that Rows was not only Warwick born but 
Warwick bred, ' until his maturer years demanded teachers of 
philosophy,' for all the world like the ' greats man ' of the pre- 
sent day, at Oxford. He has been said to have been a scholar 
of Balliol at Oxford, because, speaking of John Tiptoft, Earl of 
Worcester, he says, 2 ' a man of great learning whom I knew in 
the University of Oxford, where he was a fellow-scholar in my 
time.' But the words simply mean that he was a scholar of the 
university. If he had been, not only a scholar of the same 
university, but also of the same college, we may be pretty 
sure he would have said so. Half a dozen historical or anti- 
quarian works are ascribed to Rows by Leland. Of these 
only two have descended to us, ' The History of the Kings of 
England,' and the ' History of the Earls of Warwick,' com- 
monly called The Rows Rol, already so often quoted. The 
other works are said to be: 1. ' On the Antiquity of the Town 
of Warwick ' ; 2. ' On the Bishops of Worcester ' ; 3. * Of the 
Antiquity of Guy's Cliff'; 4. 'Against the False History of 
the Antiquity of Cambridge ' ; and 5. ' On the Antiquity of 
the Universities of Britain/ which last is said to be an imper- 
fect work. But there is good reason to think that these other 
so-called works were merely episodes in or extracts from the 
two books which we have, and which contain copious references 
to those subjects. The ' History of the Kings of England ' is 
not a work of great value. Owing to the connection of the 
ancient Earls of Warwick with Wales, through the conquest 
of the ' Land of Gower ' by Henry of Newburgh, Rows was led 

1 De Scriptoribus Brittanicis, p. 473, quoted in preface to T. Hearne's 
edition of Rows's Historia Regum Anglie, Oxford, 1745, p. xxiv. 'Joannes 
Rossus, aut si mavis, Rufus, quern patria lingua Rowse vocant, Verovici 
urbe magnae olim celebritatis . . . natus simul et educatus fuit, donee 
raaturiores anni philosophicos poscebant preceptores.' 

2 Historia Begum Anglie, p. 3. 



to study the Welsh Chronicles and to accept as history all 
their fables and folk-stories, often founded on false etymologies. 
The chief value of the history lies in its casual allusions to the 
contemporary history of Warwick and Oxford, and other 
places where there were schools and colleges. Among other 
things he tells us that Henry v., who had studied at Queen's 
College under the tutorship of his uncle, Henry Beaufort, had 
designed a noble college at Oxford, in which there should be 
deep research in the ' seven sciences,' and he had himself in 
his youth seen the ordinance for it, but being young had 
forgotten it. That king also, according to Rows, 1 visited 
1 Gybclyff alias Gycliff,' near Warwick, and intended to found 
there a chantry of two priests. This was afterwards founded 
by Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in 1420. 2 When 
Rows left the University, he became one of these chantry 
priests, and composed his History, he tells us, in the forty- 
second year of his stay there. 

That lovely spot, Guy's Cliff, made Leland break into 
poetry. He describes it as 'a shady wood, sparkling streams, 
flowery meads, mossy caves, the river twinkling over the 
stones, silence and calm beloved of the muses.' 3 Its name is 
certainly not derived from the mythical Guy, ' who killed the 
giant Colbrond at Winchester, and retired to the hermitage 
there, and lived and died unknown, an almsman of his own 
wife.' It is probably nothing more than the cat's cliff. Its 
history is, however, curious. According to Rows, it was a 
hermitage in the time of Earl Roger, and given by him to the 
priory of St. Sepulchre, and the gift confirmed by his son Earl 
Waleran, to which it became a cell. To follow Rows's own 
diction, ' Then was hit a sel to hem, and oder wyle there were 
chanons (canons), and after secular prestys, lyving by salaryes 
where they might get hem.' And with them lived 'armytys,' 

1 History, p. 208. 

- Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 183. Licence, 1 Henry vi., and further 
licence, 9 Henry VI. 

3 ' It is a house of pleasure, a place meet for the muses. There is silence, 
a pretty wood, antra in vivo saxo (caves in the living rock), the river rouling 
over the stones with a praty noise, nemusculum ibidem opacum, fontes 
liquidi et gemmei, prata florida, antra muscosa, rivi levis et per saxa dis- 
cursus, necnon solitudo et quies musis amicissima.' 


i.e. hermits, ' and lived one part by livery from the Priory, for 
then it (i.e. the Priory) was a worshipful place, and by alms 
from the castle and burgesses of the town, and of devout 
people of the country. And so it continued to the later days 
of King Edward ill.., until Earl Thomas took it to him and 
found the priests food, delivered to them out of his own 
coffers, and after, his son Earl Richard endowed it with liveli- 
hood, and made it a chantry of 2 priests.' 

The researches of Dugdale confirmed this story, as he found 
a patent of protection for the hermit Thomas of Leedes x there 
in 1335, and a salary of £5 was paid to the hermit John Burly 
in 1-tlO, 2 to pray for Richard Beauchamp and his father and 
mother. The licence in mortmain for the regular foundation 
of the chantry was obtained in 1420, 3 and it was fully endowed 
in 1429 with the manor of Ashorne and other lands, William 
Berkeswell, afterwards Dean of Warwick, and John Bevington 
being the first priests. Further gifts were given by Earl 
Richard's will, and the whole cost and details of the founda- 
tion, amounting to £184, Os. 5Jd. (or some £3700 of our 
money), was seen by Dugdale in the earl's executors' accounts 
among the Warwick municipal records. According to him, 
the statue there was erected by Earl Richard, but the armour 
on it is of the date of Edward II., the date of the real Guy, 
Earl of Warwick, who beheaded Sir Piers Gaveston, the 
Gascon, on Blacklow Hill. The object of the foundation by 
Earl Richard was 4 'that God would send him an heir.' He 
did it ' at the stirring of a holy anchoress named Em Rawghton, 
dwelling at All Hallows in the North Street of York, for 
which Our Lady appeared to her 7 times in one year, and said 
that in time to come it should be a regal college of Trinity of 
a king's foundation, and it should be a gracious place to seek 
to for any disease or grief, and one of Sir Guy's heirs should 
bring his relics again to the same place.' The anchoress was 
rather a failure as a prophetess, since the earl had no heir by 
his first wife, and his son by his second wife, though made 

1 Pat., 8 Edw. hi., pt. i. m. 17. 

2 Warwick Bailiff's Accounts, penes W. Pierpoint. Where are they now ? 

3 Pat., 1 Henry VI., pt. v. m. 5, and 9 Henry vi., pt. i. m. 23. 

4 The Rows Rol, No. 50. 


Duke of Warwick, died ' ere he had been a full quarter of a 
year out of his wardship.' The Trinity College and the royal 
founder never appeared at Guy's Cliff. The great Earl of 
Warwick, the king-maker, 1 who became earl in right of his 
wife, 'purposed to have endowed his place of Gybclyf with 
more livelihood for more priests and poor gentlemen . . . 
found there, as were at St. Cross of Winchester by the founda- 
tion of Master Harry Beauford, cardinal and bishop of Win- 
chester.' But ' froward fortune deceived him at the end/ and 
the endowment was never given. The Duke of Clarence also 
intended to have performed the will and purpose of his father- 
in-law, but ' froward fortune maligned sore against him.' So 
Guy's Cliff remained to the end only a chantry of two priests, 
who divided between them a net income of £19, 10s. 6d., 
derived from 15 houses, 500 acres of land, 50 acres of meadow, 
and 30 acres of pasture. At the dissolution of chantries it 
was 'surrendered to Sir Andrew Flammock, 2 kt., by the King's 
Majesties licence by the said Sir Andrew obtaigned in that 
behalf,' and now belongs to a branch of the Percies. 

Rows seems to have had some connection with St. Mary's 
as well as being chantry-priest at Guy's Cliff, and was perhaps 
a canon or vicar-choral there. Among the books in the 
inventory of 1464 above mentioned 3 were ' 5 bokes being in 
the handes of Maister John Rowes, nowe prest, whiche were 
Sir William Rows', and bequath hem to the Dean and Chapitre 
of the forseid chirche collegiall under condicion that the seid 
Maister John, beynge prest, shulde have hem for his spiritual 
edificacion duryng his lief, and after his decees to remaine and 
be for ever to the seide Dean and Chapitre, as appereth by 
indentures.' This was no doubt the nucleus of the library in 
the south porch of the church, said to have been founded by 
Rows. It was destroyed, with doubtless many interesting 
records, in the fatal seventeenth-century fire which consumed 
the nave and the tower of the church. 

It is not his History of the Kings of England, but his Roll 
of the Earls of Warwick, which has made John Rows the 

1 The Rows Rol, No. 57, Syr Richard Nevell. 

2 Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 183. 

3 Harl. MS. , 7505, p. 3. 


most famous inhabitant of Guy's Cliff, and the most noted of 
Warwick schoolboys. He wrote this history in two forms, 

Richard Beauchamp, 

Earl of Warivick, 

godfather to Henry VI., 

founder of the 

Beauchamp Chapel, 

Warivick, and the 

Chantry at Guy's Cliff. 

The Rows Rol, 50. 

English and Latin, the former being the original and the 
earlier. In sixty-four short lives, adorned with portraits of 


the subjects and their coats of arms painted in colours, he 
recorded all the earls of Warwick from Guthelinus ' hole kyng 
of Grate Bretayn,' A.D. 356, to 'the noble and mighty prince 
Edward, son and eyre to the most hye and excellent prynce, 
Kynge Richard the thryd and hys moost noble lady and wife 
Queen Anne,' who was ' second doubter and on of the Eyrs 
(heirs) of the most noble myghty and nobyll lord Sir Rychard 
Nevyll, Erie of Warrewyk and of Salusbury,' and was born in 
the castle of Warwick, June 1456, and christened 'yn Owre 
Lady Churche there.' The drawings are admirable and in- 
valuable for the heraldic student, though Rows does take the 
liberty of inventing arms for everybody he mentions, from 
Guthelinus downwards. The English is delightful in the easy 
freedom of its style and the frank phoneticism of its spelling, 
which varies not merely from page to page but from line to 
line. The date of its completion is fixed exactly by some 
complimentary references to Richard ill. and his son, who 
was created Prince of Wales at York on Lady Day, 1485, and 
who died the same year. The Latin Roll dubbed Richard 
only the 'infelix maritus' of the Lady Anne of Warwick, and 
was dedicated to Henry vn. 

In the English Roll Rows has preserved for us an interesting 
bit of the history of the school. He tells us where its local 
habitation was. It was one which shows us that the fifteenth 
century set an example to the sixteenth century of converting 
useless ecclesiastical endowments to educational usefulness. 
The mythical Seynt Craddok, Rows says, had built a church 
of St. John the Baptist, which in old evidences was called the 
monastery of St. John, 'wyche stondythe yet in the Market 
Styd, and is nowe the comon Scolehous for grainarians.' This 
old church in the marketstead was one of those which was 
annexed to St. Mary's by Bishop Whittlesey in 1369. It was 
then described as the Church of St, John, ' which stands in the 
middle of the marketplace (in medio foro) and has a rector 
without a manse, who is presented by the said Dean and the 
prebendary of the prebend now held by Richard of Pirinton. 
It is worth scarcely 4 marks (£2, 13s. 4d.) in yearly rent 
after the burdens on it have been duly borne. It has no 
cemetery or ecclesiastical burial, but its parishioners are buried 


in the church of the glorious Virgin.' It was accordingly 
annexed to St. Mary's, and its parishioners were to attend that 
church, ' as they are all in the town of Warwick, which is not 
very large {que non est multum spaciosa), and are quite near St. 
Mary's.' The statutes of 1369 refer to a separate ordinance as 
to the fabrics of the churches, but this we have unfortunately 
not got. In an account roll of St. Mary's for the year Easter 
1464 to Easter 1465 1 is an entry of a receipt of '4s. for 
rent of a tenement lately in possession of Richard Crete 
which was a church in Warwick marketplace in ancient 
times; not accounted for here, because it is granted to the 
Schoolmaster (Magistro Scolarum) for teaching boys therein, 
by grant of the Dean and Chapter to hold at their pleasure/ 
It was still used for the school at the time of the dissolution 
of the college. In an account roll 2 for the year 1538-9 is an 
entry of 'Reparacions upon the Scolehouse in the market.' 
The items are curious for their spelling. 

Item paid to Palmer for viij hunurd [800] tile 
,, for ij crests [i.e. ridge tiles] .... 
„ for ij lood of sond ..... 
,, paid Christopher Tiler and his man after 
x d le day for vj days .... 
,, payd for naylyng on wederbords . 










Other repairs are entered as done in the ' Schole house 
lane,' including a new ' Groundsell in the College garden wall 
by the Scolehouse,' and under a separate heading of ' Repara- 
cions made this yere ' is 3d. ' for a key for the Scolehouse dore.' 
It would therefore seem that there was another school close 
to the college, besides that in St. John's Church. This was 
probably the song and ' petites ' school. We know that the 
sons: school went on as well as the grammar school. Erom 

1 The Churches of Warwickshire (Warwickshire Natural History and 
Archaeological Society, 1817), H. T. Cooke, Warwick, p. 21. The original 
was in the possession of W. Staunton of Longbridge, purchased for the 
Birmingham Public Library and burnt there. 

8 Record Office, Augmentation Office Miscellaneous Books, No. 494, p. 71. 


the inscription on a monument in the nave, preserved by 
Dugdale, 1 to Lawrence Squire (Esquer), a canon who died 
29 May 1493. 2 

1 Within this tomb lies Lawrence, famous priest, 
Whose virtue made him shine among the best. 
From thee boys learnt full tunefully to sing, 
Nobly thou ledst the chapel of the King. 
Thou shall not die, but ever live in story, 
And thy voice ever be thy chiefest glory.' 

In 1409 we find a grant to William Witteney, clerk and 
organist, and Margery his wife, and among the books in the 
inventory of 1464 is 'j organ book bound with bordes, of 
Witney's gift, of parchemyn, having a quayer of paper prikked 
in the beginning of prikked songe,' i.e. harmony. The only 
other books mentioned, which may have been intended for the 
use of the song school, were 'j catholicon (a dictionary) and ij 
sawters ligging in the choer, every tyed with a chaine of iron.' 
The choristers were six in number, the number of the canons. 
They were gorgeously dressed on occasion. For among the 
vestments in the same inventory were ' coopes (copes) for the 
chorestours, of whyte bustyan lined with blake, one old dark 
bord Alisaundre, one lined with lynen cloth, and ij of reed 
(red) bord Alisaundre, one having gartiers in the orfray 
(border) and the other sterres of gold in grene, ij of blew bord 
Alisaundre havynge in there orfrais suns like old mens 
visages.' But if the choristers dressed gorgeously in church 
they did not lie too soft in their beds, as in 1537 we find an 
entry of ' ij d for pese straw for the quaresters.' The choir had 
some sort of high jinks on ' Shere Thursday,' the day before 
Good Friday, when apparently they all 'shered' or shaved 
their heads. For the 1537 account has the following item: 
1 Payd at the Maundy of Shere Thursday for fyve caks made 

1 Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 348. 

2 ' Conditur hie tumulo, Laurenti, clare sacerdos, 

Numine virtutis et probitate nitens, 
Te pueri cantum didicere docente sonorum, 

Regia te splendet sacra capella duce. 
Non moreris, vives per secula cuncta perhennis 

Et tibi pr.Tcipue gloria vocis erit.' 


in loves sheld-wyse (cakes in the shape of shields), lOd. ; Item 
10 wiggs for the Vicars, lOd. ; 8 wiggs for 8 clerks, 8d. ; 6 wiggs 
for 6 queresters (i.e. choristers — the word queresters is still 
used at Winchester college for the choristers), 3d.; Item j 
spare wigg to drink withall, 2d. ; Item in ale 4 galons, 8d. ; a 
potell of sac (sack), 6d. ; In claret wyne, a quart, 2 Jd.' Sweet 
wine was even then used for Communion wine, ' for a galon of 
swete wyne for the Vicars on Ester day, 12d.' The vicars also 
had ' a calves hed with the appurtenances for their painstaking 
in confession att Ester, 8d.' They assisted the ' parishe preest ' 
who received 6s. 8d., while Sir William Edwards, probably a 
residentiary canon, received 13s. 4d. for the same. 

Like other places where there were schools, as at Winchester 
and Eton, the ceremony of the Boy Bishop 1 was observed. 
On 6 December, the day of St. Nicholas, Bishop of Myra, 
one of the boys dressed up as bishop and the other boys 
dressed as canons usurped the places of the dean and canons 
and performed the whole service of the day, including the 
mass, the boy-bishop giving the blessing. They went in 
procession through the streets, and wound up with a great 
supper. It was no tinsel show. For among the vestments 
were 'iij coopes for Saint Nicholas, Bishop, whereof j is of 
whyte satyn powdered with trefoilles like golde, and the other 
ij buth (beeth = are) of blew satin powdred with rooses like 
gold. Item j myter of white silk pouddred with T. and M.,' 
probably for Thomas and Margaret Beauchamp, ' and thereto 
iiij peeches and iij pynnes of silver and gild to make the 
myter widdir, if nede be. And j cros of coper gild, iij peire 
of wollen gloves and v ringes of gold and silver with an 
emerawde, j with a ruby, j with a blaw (blue) stone, and j flat 
owche (brooch) of silver gild garnished with v stones. Item 
for the Busshop (i.e. the boy-bishop) j chesiple (chasuble) j 
aube (alb) and j amyte with parures, al of good cloth of silk 
powdred with lyonns of silver, the orfrais of the chesyple of 
blak cloth gold.' ' Iij tunicles for children whereof ij beeth 
of grene bord Alisaundre, the orfrais of yelowe silk, and the 

1 See my paper on 'The Schoolboys' Feast,' Fortnightly Review, N.S. 
Lix. (1896), 128 ; and The Mediaeval Stage, by E. K. Chambers, chapter xv., 
i. 336. 


third of russet bord Alisaundre, the orfrais of reed mailled 
(enamelled) of grene ' were seemingly connected with Bishop 
Nicholas. 'Xv aubes and xv amytes with the parures for 
children, and xij surplices for children and ij for the sexteyn ' 
may be intended for the grammar school boys. The boys 
probably also performed plays, as among the books of the 
church in the inventory of 1464 was 'j book of the Kynges of 
Coleyn, contenyng also in hem other divers tretises, ligging in 
the choer, tied togider with one cheyne of iron.' The Magi or 
Three Kings of Cologne were a favourite subject for plays. 1 

Such are the faint and casual remains of the history of the 
schools of Warwick before the Reformation. They only serve 
to show that the school went on and was conducted on the 
lines of other grammar schools, of which we know more, 
though little enough. 

1 See my paper 'Some English Plays and Players.' in the Fumivott 
Miscellany, 1001, p. 218; and The Mediaeval Sfnye, E. K. Chambers, n. 44. 



The end of the college and of the old school is almost as 
obscure as their beginning. All that has hitherto been known 
about it is that the college was dissolved before the charter of 
Henry viil, commonly but wrongly dated 1546, founded the 
King's New School. The Chantry Certificate for Warwick- 
shire x made under the act for the dissolution of colleges and 
chantries in the early part of 1546 contains an appendix 
of c Dyvers Chantries unsurveyed and no rentalls thereof 
dely vered,' the reason or ' consyderacions whereof herafter ys 
declared.' Among these is ' the College of Warwick,' of which 
it is stated : ' The sayd college was surrendered into the King's 
Majesties handes aboute the day of in the 

yere of hys Hyghnes reigne by the Deane and 
chapyture of the same College and dothe as yet remayne in the 
Kynges Majestie's handes at these presens.' The hiatus of the 
date of surrender is valde deflendus, as it cannot be supplied 
from other sources. There are many surrenders of colleges 
and hospitals and monasteries preserved at the Eecord Office, 
and the Close Eolls contain notices of man v more, but that of 
Warwick is not one of them. 

The priory of St. Sepulchre, Warwick, was surrendered 
among the lesser monasteries on 30 October 1538. Not only 
was the college not surrendered for several years afterwards, 
but at the very time the priory was in process of surrender 
Latimer, as Bishop of Worcester, was writing to the Privy 
Seal, Thomas Cromwell, the king's vicegerent in matters 
ecclesiastical, to procure it further endowment. On 17 June 
1538 2 he wrote 'broken-winded' to Cromwell, enclosing a 

1 Chan. Cert., 32. 

2 Cal. State Papers, Henry vin., 1538, pt. i. 445. 



complaint from the canons of Warwick by which 'bill 
enclosed he might perceive how the world doth wag with 
Warrwycke College. I (Latimer) have told Mr. Wattwoode 
[the Treasurer of the College] at London to hasten home for 
sparing expense, and refer the suit to his (Cromwell's) 
remembrance, but he (Wetwood, as he is otherwise spelt), 
delights to lie at London at the College cost, and cares 
neither for statutes nor injunction.' Latimer then proceeds 
to ask Cromwell ' to be good lord to the poor college. ... As 
the King has the chief Jewell that they had, his Highness 
should remember them with some piece of some broken Abbey 
or they will grow shortly to naught. The Vicars and their 
ministers sing unwaged/ while the bishop himself ' is fain to 
reward the readers of the Scripture lecture which he enjoined.' 
The dispute with Mr. Wetwood raged for some time, as on 
2 October 1 Latimer writes again to Cromwell that he had said 
nothing against Wetwood ' but what he dare avow.' Wetwood 
was 'put up at the Visitation as a lecher and fighter and 
disquieter of his company,' i.e. the college, 'and he cannot 
get him to answer.' Cromwell is invoked ' to get some 
good order into the College.' Next year Wetwood is found 
defending himself and accusing his colleagues, but on 11 April 
1539 2 Latimer encloses to Cromwell a letter (not preserved) 
'to show what good change and renovation Cromwell has 
wrought in Mr. Wattwood.' Six months later, 13 September, 3 
the college, headed by John Wetwood, 'President,' is found 
protesting to Cromwell that they cannot give William Xeale 
a lease of Bagynton, one of the college lordships which 
Cromwell had urged for him, because it contained quarries 
and timber out of which the church and college were kept in 
repair; they paid Xeale already £2 a year fee out of the 
manor, 'doing nothing for it.' 'It would be dishonesty and 
shame to grant anything so hurtful to the college,' they 
would grant him any other ' farm ' as heretofore. 

On 31 May 1540 4 a new canon, William Wall, was 

1 Gal. State Papers, Henry vm., 1538, pt. ii. 203. 

2 Ibid., xiv. pt. i. 740. . :; Ibid., p. 159. 

4 Pat. 32, Henry vm., pt. v. m. 32. The patronage had come to tho 
crown on the attainder of the Karl of Warwick under Henry vn. 


appointed by the crown to the prebend of St. Michael, in 
place of Thomas Lesonne, deceased. As late as 3 May 1542 l 
a new dean, in the person of John Knightley, was appointed 
by the king by letters patent on the resignation of John 
Carvanell, who had held office since 1515, 2 and he was 
admitted on 15 May, undertaking to pay a pension of 
£8, 17s. 9d. a year to Carvanell. The first intimation we 
have of the surrender having taken place is in the accounts 
of the revenues of the crown in Warwickshire for the year 
Michaelmas 1543 to Michaelmas 1544, 3 when we find 'the 
lands and possessions of the late College or collegiate church 
of the Blessed Mary of Warwick surrendered.' No arrears or 
surplus of the year before are accounted for because, as is said, 
' this is the first account.' Three canons' houses in North Street, 
in the occupation of three late canons, William Wall, David 
Vaughan, and Robert Whittington, are charged to them at 
£1 a year as tenants at will, while a 'tenement called the 
Vicars' house ' is let to John Wallwayn at 30s., and the dean's 
house in the churchyard of St. Mary's, with * the Pool, yard, 
and pond ther, containing by estimation 3J acres, in Smith 
Street in the suburbs of Warwick, by Kenilworth lane on the 
east, and on the west by a close called the Round Table, is let 
to Richard Catesby, Esq., as tenant at will for 40s.' In the 
' discharge ' or expenditure side of the account, Walter Wroth, 
bailiff, the accountant, claims to be allowed 10s. for 'the 
Deane's House,' late in the tenure of the dean, and 5s. for each 
of the then canons' houses, and 5s. for the 'Vicars coralls 
house, late in the tenure of the Vicars Choral,' for the rent up 
to St. John Baptist's Day, 24 June, ' because the same were 
occupied by the Dean and Chapter to that day rent free by 
the order of the King's Commissioners at the time of the 
surrender.' Further, in accounting for the vicarage of St. 
Nicholas, the bailiff claims allowance of £5, 16s. 8d. paid to 
the dean and chapter 'towards the expenses of their house 
before the surrender,' up to and including the Invention of the 

1 Pat. 34, Henry viii., pt. iii. m. 26. 

2 The privy seal for his appointment was dated 8 January, and the patent 
10 January, 8 Henry VIII., and he was admitted 8 March 1515. 

3 P.R.O. Exch. Min. Ace. 35-6, Henry viii. 


Holy Cross Day, which was 3 May. The surrender, therefore, 
took place between 3 May and 24 June 1544, the dean and 
chapter being allowed to hold their houses rent free up to the 
later date, being then as now a ' usual quarter day.' 

The school, no doubt, continued also. In the college 
accounts for 1538-9 1 there were, as we saw, payments for 
repairs of the schoolhouse in the marketplace. In the 
ministers' accounts for 1543-4, under the heading of 'Rents 
at Will/ is included ' Rent of a tenement with appurtenances 
called le Scholehouse, let to John Thomson at the will of the 
Lord, for this year, at 4s./ and no allowance is claimed for 
this for the half-year as in the case of the canons and vicars- 
choral's houses. We might have assumed that Thomson was 
schoolmaster, but another account 2 contains the item : ' The 
Marketplace. Tenants at will. Thompson, tanner, holds a 
tenement called " le Scolehouse " at 4s., payable at the 4 usual 
terms.' Most of the property of the college was soon dis- 
posed of. From the accounts for 1 544-5 3 it appears that the 
dean's house, together with ' the Round Table ' and ' Cuckoo 
church lands,' had been granted to Richard, Roger, and Robert 
Taverner on 14 February 1545. On 30 March and 3 April 
the manor of Bathkington was granted, one half to Francis 
Goodiere, the other to Henry Audeley and John Maynard. 

These sales may have stirred the people of Warwick up to 
save something for themselves out of the wreck, and they 
obtained from the king a grant of what apparently they had 
found of real service to themselves, the vicarages of St. Mary's 
and St. Nicholas's and Budbrooke and the grammar school. It 
might have been supposed that this grant was due, as it is 
indeed expressed in the grant to be due, to the ' grace, certain 
knowledge, mere motion ' of the king himself. But fortunately 
an unexpected record reveals the truth. A few years after 
the ' voluntary ' dissolution of all the monasteries and some 
few hospitals and colleges, of which Warwick was one, there 
was passed in 1545 4 an act, commonly called the Chantries 

1 P.R.O. Augmentation Office Miscellaneous Books, No. 494, f. 71. 

2 P.R.O. Augmentation Office Miscellaneous Books, No. G4, f. 223b. 

3 P.R.O. Exch. Min. Ace, 36-37 Henry vm. 

4 36 Henry viii. 


Act, enabling the king at his pleasure to enter on all colleges, 
chantries, gilds, and brotherhoods whatsoever, and a commission 
was issued to survey and report on the possessions of all such 
establishments throughout the country. In the report for 
Warwickshire we find in Warwick the * Gild of Holy Trinity 
and St. George in the town of Warwick/ consisting of a master 
and brethren, with possessions amounting to £32, 10s. 5d. a 
year (which is under-estimated at £650 a year of our money), 
which, after supporting four gild-priests, of whom more anon, 
was employed on repairs of 'a great bridge containing 13 
arches bylded over the water upon Avon and divers high- 
ways.' The maintenance of bridges and roads was largely 
done by charitable endowments, there being no county rates 
or highway rates for bridges and main roads in those days. 
At the end comes this interesting entry: 'Also the sayd 
Master and Bretherne hathe solde certeyne parcelles of lande 
to the yerely value of 39s. 8d. over and besides the rent before 
rehersed, sins the feast of the annuncyacyon of our lady in 
the 36 yere of the reigne of our sovereigne lorde the Kinges 
maiestye that nowe ys, and received therefore £39, 13s. 4d. ? 
whyche was expended and bestowed for the optayuyng and 
establysshement of the Kynges maiestyes foundacion of the 
parrishe churche of Warwick and the Kinges new scole 
within the same towne.' To the generosity and foresight, 
therefore, of the members of the Gild of the Trinity and St. 
George, Warwick is indebted for the great charity called King 
Henry vm.'s charity, and its noblest part, the grammar school, 
which has done so much throughout the 450 years which have 
since intervened for the town and people of Warwick. Had 
it not been for the gilds-men, that is, in effect, the better- to-do 
and well-disposed people of Warwick itself, the school of 
Warwick would have disappeared for ever, as did the schools 
of many a college not less great or noble than Warwick, or 
have lingered on with a truncated endowment in a semi- 
animate condition until it finally sank into inanition and 
became an inferior elementary school, as happened in number- 
less instances, to the great loss of the people of England. 

What, then, was the gild which thus stepped in to save this 
great institution from destruction ? It was a union of two 


different, and, at first, perhaps more or less rival institutions, 
which, at the time of its suppression in 1548, had enjoyed a 
corporate existence in the eye of the law for something over 
one hundred and fifty years, and most probably had existed in 
reality for many years before that. 

By payment of the large sum of 80 marks, that is £60 
(representing £1200 at least of our money and relatively a 
great deal more), Robert of Dyneley, William Russell, and 
Hugh Cook, on 20 April 1383, 1 obtained licence from King 
Richard II. to begin a brotherhood or gild (inire quandam 
fraternitatem seu gildam) of themselves and of burgesses of the 
town of Warwick and of other brethren and sisters, in honour 
of St. George the Martyr, and a chantry of two chaplains in a 
chapel over the gate called Hanging Gate (Hengyngate), and 
licence to Thomas of Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, to grant 
them the advowson of St. James's Church over the said gate, 
and further licence to acquire lands not held of the crown in 
chief to the value of £10 a year. The chaplains were to pray 
for the souls of Queen Anne and the king's mother, Edward ill. 
and Edward, Prince of Wales, and the brethren and sisters of 
the gild. 

A few days later, 2 May, od the petition of Thomas of 
Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and his brother William, William 
Hobbyns (or Hopkyns), John Coke, John Lyndraper (linen- 
draper), and ten others received similar licence to begin a 
brotherhood and gild of the Holy Trinity and the Blessed 
Virgin Mary in St. Mary's Church, and to elect a master every 
year and make ordinances, on condition that no ordinance was 
made to the prejudice of church or crown ; and by a further 
patent a few days later, for 40 marks (£30) paid, they were 
given licence to acquire lands up to £20 a year for three 
chaplains to pray for the souls of Earl Thomas and Margaret 
his wife, Richard their son, and William his brother. 

It does not appear what the difference between the two 
gilds was ; whether, in fact, one or other of them was really 
composed of particular trades — the Trinity Gild was in many 
places the gild of the cloth workers, the greatest industry in 
England — or whether both were merely social and religious 

1 Pat., 6 Richard II., pt. iii. m. 16. 


gilds, though, if so, it is difficult to see why there were two 
gilds instead of one. The main difference apparent was that 
the Trinity Gild was located in the collegiate church, was 
under the special patronage of, and in its chantry aspect 
was specially to pray for, the earl and his family; and 
though apparently the richer and larger, was yet charged 
only half the fine for taking double the amount of lands in 

St. George's Gild was located, on the other hand, in St. 
James's Chapel, then, as now, over the west gate of the town, 
and probably then deserving, even more than now, its pictur- 
esque and descriptive name of the Hanging Gate, as there was 
a large and deep moat immediately below it. It admitted not 
only men but women to its membership, a feature which was 
common to all the trade gilds or city companies of London, and 
rather points to its being really a trade gild. It is a little mys- 
terious how it came to pass that the earl had the advowson of 
St. James's. In the Chartulary of the collegiate church there is 
a grant by Earl Roger, apparently made before the union of 
All Saints' and St. Mary's, witnessing that he had granted ' to 
God and the canons of Blessed Mary of "Warwick in pure and 
perpetual alms the chapel of St. James, which is founded by 
their assent in their parish over the west gate of my borough 
of Warwick, with the croft outside the moat (fossatam) which 
extends along from the said chapel to the chapel of St. John.' 
In the inquisition of 1367 St. James's, which with other 
churches was found to have by some means become alienated 
from the college, was again united and annexed to it, and 
abolished as a church, the parishioners being ordered to attend 
St. Mary's. 

In 1389, the powers being suspicious that the gilds were 
used as political organs, perhaps for the promotion of another 
Peasants' Revolt, a general return of the objects and ordin- 
ances of the gilds throughout England was ordered. There 
is no more interesting collection of documents in the country, 
none which shed more light on the social and religious life 
of the time, than these returns. How far the order for the 
return was obeyed we do not know. Copious records remain 
for London and the eastern counties. Elsewhere the records 



are but scanty. But Warwickshire is rich in them, and among 
those of Warwickshire are preserved the returns of our two 
gilds. 1 French was then, or was supposed to be, the vernacular 
for laymen, and accordingly, in French of the Stratford-atte- 
Bow kind, John Irenmonger, master of the St. George's Gild, 
makes his certificate. He sets out the letters patent of our 
lord the now king (the original has qorest=qui or est). He 
says no lands have yet been acquired under the licence, but 
four times a year the brethren and sisters assemble at St. 
James's Church and pay 6d. a quarter ' in aid of the mainten- 
ance of a chaplain singing in the same church for the souls 
aforesaid.' ' And in case any of the brethren or sisters come 
to grief (veigne a mischief) by which they are brought to 
nothing (anients) they are relieved by the alms of the brethren 
and sisters according to their estate: and if anyone of the 
brotherhood is outlawed, excommunicated or attainted of 
perjury he is turned out of the gild, till he obtain a charter of 
the king and is restored to the law of the land or reconciled 
to the law of holy church.' ' Besides that, on St. George's 
Day, the members carry 4 tapers and 4 torches to " Notre 
Dame " in Warwick, and there have sung a solemn mass and 
make offerings as they please and leave the tapers and torches 
to burn there, and afterwards dine together in the house of the 
master.' Though no grant had been made under the licence, 
yet a year before it Nicholas Southam, chaplain, and Robert 
of Plaster of paris (de Piastre parys) granted to John Cook, 
William Tylman, and other burgesses and Robert Walker, 2 lands 
in Warwick, Stratford-on-Avon, Alcester and ' Wytenassch,' 
worth 33s. 6d. a year, without any trusts except that if they 
could get the royal licence they ' would amortise (i.e. convey in 
mortmain) the lands to the Gild to find chaplains according to 
the amount of the rent.' Their sole possessions otherwise 
were ' 8s. 7d. in the common box, a chalice, a missal, two 
" pairs " (or sets) of vestments, a chest to hold them, which, 
with the ornaments of St. James's chapel, were worth in all 

1 P.R.O. Chancery Gild Certificates, 441, 442. 

2 All the names, it may be noted, are trade, not personal names : the 
plasterer, the cook, the tyler, the walker or fuller, who trod or fulled the 




J 72 











i — i 

(— 1 














— « 








>— 1 



















>— ( 




t— r— < 















£5, a morter (a light) worth 3s. 4d., and pewter vessels worth 
3s. 6d.' John Wilkyns, the master of the Gild of the Trinity 
and Blessed Virgin Mary, makes a return in the same words, 
mutatis mutandis, with the difference of the day and the souls 
prayed for, and that this gild had no sisters, but had three 
chaplains instead of one, and that they met at St. Mary's on 
Trinity Sunday and had twelve tapers or wax candles instead 
of four, and dined in livery {vesture de suyt), (they were, in 
fact, a " livery company," which St. George's Gild apparently 
was not) while long, " 6 years or more," before the licence in 
mortmain they had vested in trustees or feoffees, as they are 
called, land worth £10 a year. The goods of this gild com- 
prised ' four sets of vestments, two chests for them, ornaments 
worth 10 marks, two Durham pots (deux pottes duresme) worth 
20s., two cloths (napes) worth 8s., a morter (a light) worth 
3s. 4d., and a service of pewter worth 3s. 6d.' 

Three years later both the gilds put themselves in order 
by conveying their property under the licence in mortmain. 
Inquisitions ad quod damnum, to see whether it would be any 
loss to the king, were held as to the Trinity Gild on 30 June, 
and as to St. George's on 21 September 1392. The former's 
6 messuages, 3 tofts, 12 cottages, 8 shops, 38| acres of arable 
land, 3 roods of meadow and 30s. rent were worth £6, 6s. Id. a 
year, while the latter had only 2 messuages, 1 toft and a 
quarry, worth in all 12s. 6d. 

We know very little more of these gilds. They were 
united before 1415. For on 15 October that year Eobert Cok, 
the chaplain of St. Anne's or Waldennes Chantry, founded by 
Robert Walden (who was one of the feoffees of the gild lands 
in 1382) on 11 April 1401, 1 at the altar of St. Anne on the 
north side of St. Mary's Church, made John Boole ' the master 
of the Gild of Holy Trinity and St. George,' and the brethren 
and sisters of the gild the trustees of the endowment of the 
chantry. 2 

1 Wore. Reg. Tidemann, f. 59, where the ordinance is set out and Robert 
Cok admitted as the first chaplain. On the admission of John Walker, 31 
January 1437-8 {Reg. Bourchier, f. 40), the same chaplain apparently is 
described as Robert Walden, so he was perhaps the founder's son or 
nephew. 2 Chart., f. 224. 


In 1451 x the gild was the recipient from John Walker, 
chaplain, of another endowment for an obit for his soul and 
that of Mr. Richard Nicholl. In the middle alley of the nave 
was an inscription to Richard Ellen, 'bucher,' once burgess 
and master of the gild of this town, who died 2 March 
1466-7. 2 In 1487 the five chaplains of the gild, headed by 
apparently the same John Walker, contributed half a mark 
apiece to a subsidy for the Archbishop of Canterbury. 3 Dug- 
dale records Walker's epitaph in the upper end of the north 
alley of the nave : ' Here lies Sir John Walker, Chaplain of 
the Chantry of the Gild, who died 21 August 1491.' 2 There 
were five chaplains of the gild also who contributed to a 
subsidy to the king in 1513, 4 and there are five chaplains 
entered in the Valor Ecclesiasticus in 1535, at which date 
each received the yearly stipend of £5, 6s. 8d., the junior in 
standing of whom, John Creese or Creeze, had been admitted 
on the presentation of Thomas Broke, master of the gild, 
8 October 1533. But in the chantry certificate ten years 
later 5 the gild is said to have been founded to find four 
priests only, ' 2 of the same prestes to syng within the 
parisshe churche of Warwick, and the other 2 to syng within 
2 chapelles bylded over 2 severall gates of the sayd town.' 
What had become of the fifth priest in the interval ? Besides 
the priests, two singers, John Weryng and Philip Sheldon, 
received, the former £1, and the latter £1, 6s. 8d. a year, 'for 
good and laudable service in the choir of the parish church of 
the Blessed Mary of Warwick,' the gild thus taking over 
apparently one of the duties of the collegiate church. On the 
dissolution of the gild in its turn under the Chantries Act of 
Edward VI., the four priests each received 6 a pension of £5 a 
year, only 6s. 8d. less than their full salaries, while these two 
singers, both of whom also received pensions of £6, 13s. 4d. 
and £8 a year respectively from the college, were given pen- 
sions of the full amount of their salaries ; and Werynge was 

1 Chart., f. 104. 

2 Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 316. 

3 Reg. Moreton, f. 13. 

4 Beg. de Giglis, i. 97. 

5 English Schools at the Reformation, p. 231, from Chan. Cert. 31, No. 35. 

6 Chan. Cert. 57, No. 26. * 


still receiving it in 1559, 1 Sheldon having apparently died in 
the interval. 

Besides the priests and singers, 'there are relyved 2 with 
parte of the said possessions 8 poore people called the'almes 
folke, to whome ys gyven wekelye 8d., amounting yerely to 
34s. 8d., over and besydes 4 houses called thalmes houses, viz. 
everye couple a house and a gardein.' These almshouses are 
probably the houses still standing on the east side of the 
Leycester Hospital, just east of the gateway which gives 
access to it. 

No mention is made of the Gild Hall in the certificates. 
But the crown revenue accounts in 1552 show a pension of £1 
a year paid to Edward Bogers, ' keeper of the Gild Hall.' That 
there was one much earlier is however certain, as we hear of 
its being used for public purposes in 1447, 3 when 'my lord of 
Suffolk had the rule and governance of the erledome of 
Warewyk,' during the short life of Anne, daughter of Henry, 
Duke of Warwick, when he tried a complaint made by the 
Bailiff of Warwick against John Brome of Bridge End, War- 
wick, in the Gild Hall. John Fisher, in Elizabeth's reign, 
told the Earl of Leicester that ' the Minister of the Guild and 
his bretherne, perceving that the lands of the Guild should 
goo away, gave to the Burgesses of the said towne the said 
house called the Guild Hall to be their Burgers' Hall,' with 
£10 a year toward the charges of St. Mary's Church. 

The Gild Hall was apparently the Council Chamber, in the 
upper floor of Leycester Hospital on the east side. The larger 
hall, on the ground floor on the west side, with panes of horn 
in the windows instead of glass, undoubtedly dates from the 
fourteenth century, and was no doubt the dining-hall of the 
priests and almsfolk. The western side of the buildings and 
the street front are apparently of the reign of Henry v. or vi„ 
when the union of the gilds took place. 

The residue of the income of the gild, according to Henry 
vm. 's certificate, 4 'ys ymployed toward the repayryng of a 

1 P.R.O. Min. Ace, 1-2 Eliz., No. 58. 

2 Chan. Cert. 53, No. 4a. 

3 Warwickshire Antiquarian Magazine, pt. iv. 

4 English Schools, p. 231. 


greate bridge contayning 13 arches bylded over the water 
upon Aven and dyvers hyghe wayes, for the better resorte and 
accesse of the markett folke commyng to the same towne, 
without whiche yt wolde be a greate decaye to the hole towne ' ; 
or, as it is put in the later certificate of Edward vi., with plea 
for continuance of the gild, * mayntayned the reparacions of 
one greate stone bridge conteyning one hundrethe yardes in 
length, whiche is a great increase of the markett and a staye 
to the said towne, so that of necessyte the said bridge must be 
kept in sufficient reparacions with divers other fowle and 
dangerous highwayes thereaboutes.' 

The gild in fact, though nominally religious and social, 
performed here, as at Stratford-on-Avon and Birmingham, one 
of the chief functions of a town council, the maintenance of 
the roads and bridges. It is a grievous pity that the old 
Warwick bridge with its pointed arches was destroyed by a 
flood at the end of the eighteenth century, and that the present 
bridge which took its place was removed altogether to a new 
site merely for the amenity of the castle, thus destroying all 
the local landmarks and making the lines of the present 
streets all wrong. 

The gild perished gloriously, in having as its latest acts 
obtained not merely a grant of the grammar school and the 
vicarages for the benefit of the town, but the incorporation of 
the inhabitants, and bequeathed to them its Gild Hall. The 
town till then had no independent corporate existence, being 
entirely subject to the earl and ruled by his bailiff and a jury 
of twelve burgesses. A writ in 28 Edward i. addressed to the 
mayor and bailiffs for the expenses of William of Sudeley and 
Philip of Rous, their members of Parliament, was no doubt 
only a mistake of the Chancery official, misusing a common 
form in ignorance, for there is no other trace whatever of a 
mayor of Warwick till one was created by charter of Charles II. 
on 13 October 1664. The earl was too big for the town. He 
imposed and took the tolls for the pavage and the markets 
and the fairs, and made them so oppressive that the market 
was almost deserted, until Earl Thomas, in 1358, had to free 
the burgesses of them altogether. But by the fortunate acci- 
dent of the earldom escheating to the crown on the ' treason/ 


in 1499, of Earl Edward, the son of George, Duke of Clarence, 
who by marrying the king-maker's daughter had become Earl 
of Warwick, Warwick became a royal borough. 

Unfortunately, it seems impossible to ascertain exactly what 
means were employed to get the grant from Henry vm., or 
what was paid for it. The Hanaper Accounts, in which the 
fine paid would be recorded, are not extant for this year, and 
the petition on which the grant was made is not attached to 
the 'particulars for the grant,' which were made out on 10 
February 1545. 1 These particulars set out in Latin the valua- 
tion of the property asked for, and at the foot, in English, is 
written : — 

'Memo, that the tenement aforesaid in uno vico vocato cannonne 
Rowe, being yerely 20s., must be geaven to th'use of the sayd 
Viker and Scolemaster, and to twoo preests, one clerk with one 
sexten, forever; which twoo Preests with the clerk and sexten 
the said Towne must be bounden for to fynde forever at ther 
owne proper costs and charges.' 

The incorporation of Warwick and the refoundation of the 
school were by charter, that is, by letters patent, 2 15 May 1545. 
Most of the historians of the school and town have hitherto — 
even down to and including Mr. T. Kemp's history of this very 
year of grace — misdated the charter 1546, owing to the charter 
being dated, as usually, by the year of the king and not the 
year of the Lord. The arithmetical error was then committed 
of adding 37 to 1509, the year in which Henry vin. came to 
the throne, to find out what year of the Lord is represented by 
the 37th year of Henry vin. Of course, one year less than 
the number of the year of the king should be added to the 
year of accession. Henry vin. having come to the throne 22 
April 1509, his 37th year began 22 April 1545, not 1546, and 
the date of the charter is accordingly 15 May 1545, not 1546. 

The charter begins by saying that 'for certain causes and 
considerations urging us to incorporate and erect into one 
body our beloved subjects, the inhabitants of the town of 

1 P.R.O. Aug. Office. Particulars for Grants, 10 Feb., 36 Henry vin., 
No. 1187. 

2 Pat., 37 Henry vin., pt. v. m. 25 (23). 


Warwick, for the good of them all and their common advan- 
tage (pro eorum universo commodo et communi utilitate), and 
specially moving and instigating us, we will and of our certain 
knowledge and mere motion grant to the said inhabitants 
that they shall be one body and community of themselves for 
ever by the name of Burgesses of the town of Warwick in the 
county of Warwick.' It then gives the usual legal incidents 
of a corporation, perpetual succession and a common seal, 
' and that they shall be persons able and capable in the law only 
to receive, take, and have from us the rectories, messuages, 
mills, houses, buildings, lands . . . tithes . . . and all other 
hereditaments in these letters patent specified/ When later 
in the patent the use of a common seal is specifically granted, 
it is f to serve only for matters touching the business afore- 
said.' So the burgesses were not incorporated generally as a 
municipal corporation, but only to take the property granted 
in the charter. The charter then proceeds to grant ' all that 
our rectory and church of the Blessed Mary, and all that our 
rectory and church of St. Nicholas,' followed by similar 
grants of the rectories of Chaddesley Corbet and Budbrook, 
and the advowsons and rights of patronage of the vicarages of 
all these churches ; and ' all that our messuage house and 
Tenement ... in Canone Rowe . . . late in the occupation of 
David Vaughan, clerk,' and its appurtenances; and all the 
lands, houses, etc., belonging to the rectories, ' all part of the 
late dissolved college of the Blessed Mary,' of the net value of 
£58, 14s. 4d. a year, to hold of the king ' by the service of the 
twentieth part of a knight's fee, at a rent of £6, 1 3s. 4d., to be 
paid to the Court of the Augmentation of the Revenues of the 
Crown. The incorporate burgesses were to take the profits 
from the Michaelmas previous, i.e. Michaelmas 1544. 

In consideration of this grant, the burgesses in their turn 
granted to the king that they would ' yearly for ever pay a 
vicar of Blessed Mary, to be named and incorporated by the 
King and his successors, £20 a year, . . . and 40s. more for 
the tenth payable to the court of first fruits and tenths.' And 
now we come to the first mention of the school, ' and also that 
the same burgesses and their successors, burgesses of the town 
aforesaid, will pay, or cause to be paid yearly, from time to 

■A. i & : pi W £ 1 






I i I 

Jl IN 

W I Hi i 


J".-, ' 

: ?*l III 16 !*! 

Hi fliyl 





















time, for ever to the Master or Pedagogue of our school of the 
said town by us by these presents, in like manner to be 
named and incorporated, and his successors, Master or Peda- 
gogue of the same school, £10 a year,' half-yearly ; ' and that 
the same burgesses will, immediately after the sealing of these 
letters patent, make, or cause to be made, a sufficient gift and 
grant to the aforesaid vicar, and master or pedagogue, and 
their successors, of a convenient house, habitation, or mansion 
in the said town (domo, habitacido sive mansione), for the 
dwelling and living (habitacione ac mansione) of the same 
Vicar and Schoolmaster and their successors for ever, to be 
made and sealed under their common seal.' 

The burgesses also agreed to find and pay two priests, chap- 
lains, a clerk and a sexton (sacriste) to serve in St. Mary's, 
with proper stipends ; but in their case the charter does not 
specify any particular sum as then proper. The king then 
proceeds, 'by our supreme royal ecclesiastical authority 
which we enjoy,' to grant that ' there shall be and be called a 
perpetual vicar of the church of the Blessed Mary of the town 
of Warwick,' to be nominated by the crown, and to have 
perpetual succession, and perform all the duties of rector or 
vicar, except that he should not be liable to repair the 
chancel, with the stipend of £22 a year, and power of 
distress for it. 

Then comes a similar creation of the school and incorpora- 
tion of the schoolmaster, but it is prefaced by a solemn 
preamble which shows how much greater importance was 
attached to this than to that of the vicar. 'And further 
know ye that we, led by the singular love and affection with 
which we are no little moved to the ungrown up (impuberes) 
subjects of our kingdom in the county of Warwick ' — not, be 
it observed, the town of Warwick only — 'that henceforth, 
imbued from their cradles with more polite literature 
{policioribus litteris) than was usual before our time, when 
they have come to a more advanced age, they may turn out 
better instructed ; thinking assuredly that so the church of 
England of Christ, whose immediate vice-gerent we are' — 
no pope or priest to come between — 'may be adorned and 
glorified not only by learned men in the world of literature 


but by wise men for the common wealth of the kingdom, by 
the tenor of these presents in fact, and fully create, erect, 
found, ordain, make, and establish to endure for all future 
times a Free School in the said town of Warwick, of a Master 
or Pedagogue ; and we will and order that it be so established 
and inviolably observed for ever ; and that the said school so 
by us founded, created, erected, and established, shall for ever 
be called and named in the vulgar tongue (vulgariter) " the 
King's New Scole of Warwyke," ' the very title of the school 
thus bewraying that it was not a school of the king's creation, 
but merely a new scheme recreating the old school. 

A prolonged study of school foundation deeds of all times 
has revealed no nobler or terser statement of the objects of our 
great public schools than this of the resuscitated grammar 
school of Warwick. Church and State were, of course, regarded 
as one and the same, the supreme authority in both vested, 
for the first and perhaps also for the last time in English 
history, in the single person of the king ; and in exercising 
that combined authority, he can find no better means of 
benefiting both than the erection of a school to train, not 
only men of learning for literary pursuits, but also men of 
practical ability and wisdom for the wider world of the 
public service, and the advancement of the nation in every 
path of progress. 

The charter then goes on to provide that the schoolmaster 
shall be appointed by the crown, and that he too shall be 
a corporation having perpetual succession, and capable of 
receiving and holding not only ' the yearly rent and pension ' 
— which simply means a regular payment or annuity — of £10 
a year, with a clause of distraint to secure it, ' but also other 
lands, tenements, possessions, and hereditaments from any- 
body, besides the said £10, so long as they do not exceed the 
yearly value of £10.' 

The rest of the lengthy document is taken up with some- 
what vain legal repetitions, insisting that the salaries and 
houses shall be granted to the vicar and schoolmaster respec- 
tively immediately — they were apparently to live together 
in the same house — dispensing them both from the statute 
of mortmain in holding it, and also granting the burgesses 



licence in mortmain up to 20 marks (£13, 6s. 8d.) a year. It 
was under this licence that the gild granted the Gild Hall 
and its property worth £10 a year. 

After having read the subsequent history of the administra- 
tion of the foundation, now called Henry vin.'s charity, it is 
amazing to turn to the actual charter as now set out, and see, 
that except for the licence to acquire other lands, it contains 
not a single word referring to any grant to the burgesses for 
their own benefit, or for any public purpose whatsoever, except 
the ecclesiastical and the educational purposes mentioned in 
it. It cannot have been intended that they should get any 
corporate advantage out of the grant, or that the income 
should be applied to any other purpose than those ecclesiastical 
and educational purposes. For the whole net value was 
£58, 14s. 4d. a year. From this they had to pay: — 

Rent to the Crown, . 




Vicar's salary and tenth to the Crown, , 




2 Chaplains, say £5 each, 


Clerk, say 




Sexton, ...... 


Vicar of S. Nicholas, 

. 13 



Vicar of Budbrook, 






leaving a deficit of £12, 5s. 8d. besides all the expenses of collec- 
tion of rents, repairs of property, and bad debts. There is not 
a word to suggest that the burgesses took the property except 
as trustees, and the insistence in the charter on the fact that 
the incorporation is for those purposes only, and not a general 
incorporation, strengthens the view that the property was 
really given in trust for ecclesiastical and educational purposes, 
and no other. 

Nor is this view weakened by the fact that when the town 
did obtain incorporation for general municipal purposes from 
Philip and Mary, on 22 November 1554 (a date so soon after 
their accession that the charter must have been prepared 
during the reign of Edward VL, under the influence of the 
much maligned John Dudley, Earl of Warwick and Duke 


of Northumberland), the new charter never refers at all to 
that of Henry vm., nor to any of the objects mentioned in it ; 
while the corporate title bestowed, ' Bailiff and Burgesses of 
the Borough of Warwick,' is studiously distinct from that of 
' Burgesses of the town of Warwick,' given by Henry's charter. 
The inhabitants were, in fact, incorporated under two different 
names for two different purposes, precisely as the mayor, 
aldermen, and citizens of London were incorporated under 
that name for municipal purposes, and under another name, 
that of ' Governors of the goods, possessions, and revenues of 
the Hospitals of Bridewell, Christ, and S. Thomas,' for the 
eleemosynary and educational purposes for which under 
charters of Henry vm. and Edward VI. they obtained the 
1 Royal Hospitals.' 

The same point clearly appears, if we compare the charter of 
the college possessions at Warwick with that which Stratford- 
on-Avon obtained a few years later from Edward VI. At 
Stratford, too, there were a college and a gild and a grammar 
school, and a great bridge over the Avon, even larger than 
that of Warwick, having 18 arches to be supported. At 
Stratford, too, part of the college possessions with the gild 
possessions were bought back for the maintenance of the 
vicar and schoolmaster; but other general town purposes, 
the bridge and the 'great charges' on the town, were also 
especially mentioned. 

The reason of this difference was, no doubt, that when the 
Warwick charter was granted, the Warwick gild was still in 
existence, and there was perhaps no particular reason to 
suppose that it was in danger of ceasing to exist, and so the town 
still had its common possessions applicable to the bridge and 
other common town objects, and the college possessions having 
been always appropriated to ecclesiastical and educational 
objects, no one thought of applying them to any other purpose. 
At Stratford the gild had already been abolished, the grammar 
school had been supported out of the gild estate, not out of 
the college estate, and therefore it was only natural that the 
possessions bought back should be appropriated to the same 
objects, including general and municipal objects, besides the 
ecclesiastical and educational objects, to which they had 
before been applied. 


Yet as a matter of history, the educational and ecclesiastical 
purposes which were the sole objects of the Warwick charter 
have received relatively a less share of the revenues of the 
foundation than at Stratford-on-Avon. Yet it would have 
been far better for the material interests of the town if it had 
been otherwise. Warwick School up to the middle of the 
eighteenth century occupied the place which Rugby has 
occupied since, and if it had been developed by a governing 
body of trustees with a single eye to its development, and not 
with an eye to their own interests or supposed interests, it 
might well have continued to occupy the position which 
Rugby has now taken, and the town of Warwick, with far 
greater advantages to start with, could have thriven, as the 
towns of Rugby and Bedford have thriven, on the progress of 
the school. 

Owing to the destruction of documents which has taken 
place at Warwick no contemporary accounts remain to show 
exactly how the income of the charter lands was spent by 
those who had obtained the charter, and knew exactly what 
was intended by it. But Mr. John Fisher's account 1 given 
to Lord Leicester in 1569, on the foundation of Leycester 
Hospital, has all the force of contemporary evidence as to 
the meaning and effect of the charter. The income was, we 
saw, £58, 14s. 4d. a year. The king, says Fisher, 'appoynted 

what every man should have, as : — 

£ s. d. 
The Vikar of Saint Maryes should have by yere, 20 
The Vicar of Saint Nicholas by yere, 20 marks, 13 6 8 

The Skolemaister, 10 

The Vicar of Budbrook, 103s. 4d., . .534 
The byshop of Worcester, . . . .10 

The archdecou, . . . . . .0168 

and reserved to his hieghness for the tenth 

of the premisses yerely, . . . 6 13 4 

besides for the tenth 2 of the Vikar of Saint 

Maryes, 40s.,' 2 


1 The Black Book, p. 46. 

2 The tenths which with the firstfruits had been transferred to the crown, 
and now constitute Queen Anne's Bounty. 


and he goes on to say 'so as the charge of the said towne 
issuing yerely was above the value given by His Majesty, 
which was supported by other means, by the pollyng of the 
inhabitants,' in other words by a rate. In point of fact, the 
charges specified by Fisher do not make up all the charges 
on the income of the lands. He omitted the two assistant 
curates, the clerk, for whom £2, 6s. 8d. would be an average 
charge, and the sexton, for whom £2 might have sufficed, 
besides the cost of repairing the chancel of the church and 
the repairs of the property, and it was no doubt for these 
charges that the rates were levied ; a conclusive proof that 
the inhabitants did not and were not intended to get anything 
for themselves out of the trust. Similar testimony was given 
in the address of the Recorder of the town to Queen Eliza- 
beth at her state visit on 12 August 1572, when he told 
her that her father had endowed the town, ' injoyning them 
withall to kepe a vykar to serve in the church and divers 
other ministers, with a skolemaister for the bringing up of 
youth in learning and vertu/ but that they would have lacked 
' the heavenly food of their soules by want of preaching, the 
towne not being able to fynde the same by reason that the 
necessary charges and stipend of the minister ' — it is curious 
to note how it is assumed as a matter of course that a vicar 
was not a preacher — ' and other officers there farre surmount 
their yerely revenues, notwithstanding the bountiful gift 
of your noble father,' if Leicester had not endowed with £50 
a year the master of Leycester Hospital to act as preacher. 



For some time after the Eeformation the little we know of 
the school is derived from the Black Book x of the cor- 
poration. This book was composed by John Fisher, who 
held the office of bailiff, the predecessor of the mayor, in 
1564 and 1580, was member of Parliament for the borough, 
then a paid officer, in 1570 and 1573, and was for many 
years steward and town clerk. It begins on 21 December, 4 
Eliz., i.e. 1561, with a dispute about the cost of the bailiff's 
yearly dinner, and goes down to the year 1588, with a few 
casual entries of later date. 

From this book we learn that as already shown in the last 
chapter, the school was now held in the old Gild Hall, then 
called the Burgers' Hall, now the Leycester Hospital. The old 
school, St. John's Church in the Market Place, no doubt a very 
small building, having passed to the crown, was, as we saw, let 
to a tanner. Probably the school was held in the hall, i.e. 
dining-hall of the hospital on the ground floor on the east. 
For the hall upstairs on the west was the council-chamber, as 
appears from the account of a violent quarrel which took 
place at the election of the 'Twenty-four' assistants to the 
bailiff and 'Twelve Principal Burgesses' in 1564, when Mr. 
John Fisher was mayor. After turbulent speeches by Thomas 
Powell, a hot-blooded Welshman apparently, who ' by God's 
blood ' gave the lie to one of the burgesses, the bailiff ordered 
the serjeant to take Powell into custody. Seventeen others, 
however, said that 'if Powell went to warde they would 

1 The Black Book of Warwick, Henry T. Cooke and Son, Publishers, High 
Street, Warwick ; no date. It was, in 1898, transcribed and edited by 
Mr. Thomas Kemp, Mayor for two years, 1892-4, and now again in 1905-6. 



go with him, whereupon they went down the stayres 
together. 1 And being come downe Powell and Jenks saye to 
the serjaunt, "get thee away, or ells thowe shalt have thy 
pate beaten and thy master his hands full." Whereupon the 
serjeant cam up agayn and told the words to the bailief and 
his company. And then the bailief arose and went into the 
galery to see the demeanour of those that departed.' This is 
the outside gallery and staircase still in use in the hospital. 
It is amusing to find that the bailiff, seeing what their 
demeanour was, thought better of the arrest, and that four 
years afterwards Thomas Powell was himself elected bailiff. 

The school reappears in the foundation deed of Thomas 
Oken's charity in January 1571. Thomas Oken was an im- 
portant member of the corporation, and had been a member 
and one of the last masters of the old gild, probably the very 
last, as he was master in 37 Henry viil, the last full year before 
its dissolution. He clearly shows by his foundation deed that 
he hankered after the times that were gone. His charity was 
largely directed to preserving dying customs and obsolete 
ceremonials. By deed 1 January, 13 Elizabeth, i.e. 1570-1, he 
enfeoffed Thomas Burges, bailiff, and five others, in certain 
lands to the use of himself for life, and after his death to the 
use of Richard Row and eleven others, probably the ' principal 
burgesses ' of the time, on trust for all sorts of objects ; wells, 
bridges, roads, paving streets, scavenging, and the like. Among 
the more curious of the gifts was one of ' 20d. among the 
young men of S. Mary's parish to make merry withal at the 
cutting down of the Whitsuntide ivy, if any there should be 
standing at the High Cross, and at the end of their mirth 
to say the Lord's Prayer and to praise God for the soul of 
the said Thomas Oken, Joan his wife, and all Christian souls 
departed,' — a provision probably as near as he dared to go to 
the ' superstitious ' obit and prayers for the souls of the dead. 
Another equally curious gift was one of ' 3s., among the 
neighbours of the bonfire of the said Thomas Oken in High 
Pavement Ward, and 2s. among neighbours of the other 
bonfires on vigils of the days of S. John the Baptist and 
S. Peter,' the medieval survival of the primeval bonfires on 

1 Black Book, p. 13. 


t— i 












E- 1 







Midsummer's Day. He went as near as lie could to the old 
gild ceremonials, providing for such a service at St. Mary's to 
be said or sung within eight days of his decease 'as then 
should be used and suffered by the laws,' with a learned man 
to make a sermon for 6s. 8d., and, on the anniversary of his 
decease, 20s. for 'a dinner for the bailiff and 12 principal 
burgesses, and three of the most honest and substantial com- 
moners of any (i.e. every) of the eight wards to make merry 
withal, and in the end of the dinner to say the Lord's Prayer 
and to praise God for the soul of the said Thomas Oken,' and 
so on as in the case of the ' young men.' 

Oken's educational gifts were twain. He gave ' 40s., to the 
use of the schoolmaster to be found and kept in the town of 
Warwick for ever to teach petties and poor men's children 
within the said town.' Petties meant, of course, petits, the 
little ones, and this payment was probably intended to find a 
substitute for the old song schoolmaster who, as we saw, was 
in the fourteenth century allowed to teach elementary subjects. 
Whether this was intended to be paid to the usher of the 
grammar school or to an independent elementary master is not 
clear. In after days it was one of the payments made to the 
master of the Bablake or Boblick school over the East Gate. 
Oken also gave ' 45s. to a learned schoolmaster ' — it is to be 
noted that the epithet 'learned' distinguished the master of 
the grammar school from the master of the petties — ' towards 
the augmenting of his wages to and for the teaching of a 
grammar school within the said town of Warwick, and, if he 
should not be learned or should not use himself diligently, 
then to some other good use or uses as should be thought 
most meet by the bailiff and principal burgesses and the said 
three most substantial commoners of the eight wards.' 

It shows the care of the good people of Warwick for their 
school that in 1827, when the rental of the Oken charity estate 
had risen to £670 a year, the sum of £1 for the dinner had 
been increased to £30, £2 to the petty schoolmaster had been 
increased to £13, but the sum of £2 to the grammar school- 
master still remained the same as it was at the beginning. 
It was pleaded by the Corporation to the Commissioners of 
Inquiry into charities that it was no longer possible to provide 



a decent dinner for some 30 persons for £1. It did not seem 
to have occurred to the corporation that it was equally im- 
possible to consider £2 a year an adequate augmentation of 
the salary of the headmaster of an important grammar school. 

The dinner still keeps the memory of Thomas Oken in the 
odour of sanctity. He is further commemorated by a brass in 
Saint Mary's, dated 1573, made, according to his will, 'against 
Saint Anne's altar hard to the wall, and on the tombe to have 
an epitaph of brasse with twoo pictures, one of my self and 
the other of my wieff, with these words graven under, " Jesu 
have mercy uppon me.'" He died on 30 July 1573. Before 
the breath was out of his body a sordid and unseemly 
squabble took place over his will, as is recorded in the 
Black Book by Mr. John Fisher, one of the beneficiaries and 
an executor. 

Before Oken's bequest took effect a much more important 
event in the history of the school followed on the visit, in 
1571, of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, the famous favourite 
of Queen Elizabeth, and his elder brother Ambrose, Earl of 
Warwick. Queen Elizabeth had reversed in favour of Ambrose 
the attainder of his father John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, 
better known under the title of Duke of Northumberland and 
as the father of Lady Jane Grey, and had revived in Robert's 
favour the ancient title of Earl of Leicester, which had 300 
years before merged in the Dukedom of Lancaster and then in 
the Crown. To commemorate this double creation Leicester 
had, in 1571, obtained letters patent with licence in mortmain 
from the Queen, and an Act of Parliament, for the foundation 
of a hospital either in Warwick or Kenilworth with an endow- 
ment of £200 a year. He came down in state ' with many 
other noble lords and ladies to lie for G or 7 days at Mr. 
Thomas Fisher's house,' the Priory, to celebrate his creation 
on Michaelmas Day in St. Mary's Church by the French King 
Henry IV. as a Knight of the chief French Order, that of St. 
Michael. A Turkey carpet was spread for him to kneel on 
when he made his offering, like royalty, of a piece of gold at 
the communion table, ' placed where the altar had been.' Mr. 
Fisher, with evident relish, gives all the gorgeous details of his 
costume : his white velvet shoes and white silk hose, his 


doublet of cloth of silver, his robe of white satin embroidered 
with gold a foot broad, the only thing about him not being 
white or gold being his black velvet cap with a white feather 
and his garter of Saint George about his leg. 'And yet 
surely/ says Mr. Fisher, ' all this costly and curious apparel 
was not more to be praised than the comely gesture of the 
same Earl, whose stature being reasonable was furnished with 
all proportion, and lineaments of his body and parts answerable 
in all things, so as in the eyes of this writer he seemed the 
only goodliest personage made in England.' 

The bailiff and burgesses nearly missed the erection of the 
hospital at Warwick. They would not meet Leicester outside 
the town on his arrival because he was a subject and not a 
prince ; and though they gave him a present of a yoke of oxen, 
they waited till the morning after his arrival to call on him, and 
then said nothing about the hospital, apparently expecting him 
to say something to them. So when they waited on him on his 
return from Kenilworth to the Priory where he lodged, and 'they 
doing their dutyes/ the earl ' passed by them hastily, saying he 
" would not chardge the towne so much " and would unneath 
look towards the said bailief or his company.' However, 
explanations and apologies were offered and accepted, and on 
departing the earl 'took them all by the hand, to their great 
rejoicing.' Next day, 'in his ways riding he came into the 
churchyard, viewed where he might build a convenient house 
for a Hospital for certain poore pepul.' But he did not like 
it, whereon John Butler, a 'principal burgess' and one of 
Leicester's men of business, suggested that ' the Burgers Hall ' 
might do. So ' the said Earl alighted and went into the same 
and so into the chappell, and liked well thereof.' His surveyor 
reported it would be ' very convenient, so as the said Earl 
might have all, as well the chappell as skolehouse, Burgers 
hall and all other premises gardens and buildings.' The 
burgesses, it seems, wanted to retain the hall and school, for the 
Earl soon after * wrote that ' the whole would be little enough 
for his purpose. He nevertheless understood that the towne 
would reserve to themselves so much as should serve for the 
skole and for their counsell house ; which, if it were so the 

1 Black Booh, p. 39. 


rest would not serve his turn, and then he would found his 
Hospital at Kenilworth.' 

A meeting of the burgesses was thereupon promptly called 
on Saturday night in St. Mary's Church, and they agreed to 
give the whole of the property and St. James's Chapel ' with- 
out any money taking therefore, saving that vote and request 
should be made to his Lordship to be suitor to the Queens 
Majesty and my Lord of Warwick to bestow on the towne 
such waste grounds, such as the said Earle of Warwick tok no 
benefit of, to build them houses for themselves and for the 
skole and skolemaster, and that it might plese the said Earle 
of Leicester to bestowe some tvmbers towards the erection of 
the said houses.' 

On Sunday, 5 November, they met again at the church and 
approved a letter to the earl which Mr. Fisher took to London. 
It was not for nearly three weeks that he was able to obtain 
an audience of Leicester at the Court at Greenwich, and 
endeavour to get a quid pro quo from him for the grant of the 
hall. His report of his conversation with the earl is most 
interesting. He told the earl that the salaries and wages 
assigned by Henry viii.'s charter from the college property 
were at the time ' thought somewhat reasonable for men to 
live poorly upon,' but prices having since risen ' and every mans 
chardg also increasing by reason of wives and children/ (the 
substitution of a married for a celibate clergy and school- 
master), they were not now sufficient ' for the sustayning of 
learned men with their families.' He therefore asked the earl 
to get a further grant from the tithes of St. Mary's, so as to 
increase the vicar's stipend from £20 to £30 or £40, and the 
rest in proportion, and ' the skole maister having but £10 
might have £20 . . . and so these places might be furnished 
with learned and meet men, God's Word sincerely taught and 
the people of the same towne, besides the countrye about, 
with their children, better instructed ' — an interesting remark, 
showing that the words of the school charters, which always 
included in the benefit of the grammar schools not only the 
children of the places where they stood but the country round 
about, were no idle form but represented the real wishes and 
practice of the day. Fisher therefore asked specifically for a 


grant of St. Peter's chapel over the East Gate ' being ruynouse 
and ready to fall/ and ' the Shire Hall and the ground lieing 
thereto, with also all such wast ground lieing within the said 
borough and suburbs whereof the Lord of Warwick took no 
comodytye, whereon the said towne might build them a skole 
and place for the skolemaister and make them another Hall to 
serve their purposes ... for their owne conferrens at such 
meetings and assemblies as for the good government of the 
said towne they had to do, as keeping of courtes and other 
conferrens, all which were used in the Burghers Hall.' 

A most interesting discussion followed as to the state of the 
town and its trade. Leicester wanted to know what the 
burgesses did to prevent the increase of the poverty which his 
hospital was intended to relieve. Fisher said there was no 
great trade, ' most part ' were provided with corn and had 
some husbandry. 'Some men with their travails lived up- 
rightly as be called mercers, using to buy and sell spices, 
lynnen clothe which be called drapers, which twoo be most 
profitable trades within that towne.' Then there were maltsters, 
but not so profitable lately. To which the earl said he knew 
in a town in Essex four or five worth £1000 or £2000 a piece 
that had no other trade but malting. But he wondered they 
had no industry 'such as Sheldon of Beolye devised, the 
making of cloth or capping or some such like ' — occupations 
requiring many workmen and women. ' And such may therein 
be employed as in no faculty e else. For though they be 
children they maye spyn and carde ; though they be lame 
they make pike and fre wooll.' Mr. Fisher said they had no 
' stock.' He knew many who had tried cloth-making and 
failed for lack of capital. Besides, skilled labour was wanting, 
and means of communication ' a stoppe of entercourse.' The 
earl replied that skilled men could be got from Coventry, and 
he would help them with stock. But he would not like to be 
rebuffed, as he was at Beverley, where he and the coanty 
gentlemen had guaranteed £2000 worth of stock for six years 
to set up clothmaking and it was refused. Mr. Fishei promised 
that such an offer would not be refused. at Warwick. And so 
the conversation ended. 

The clothmaking project appears to have come to nothing, 


and Warwick remains what it was then, and probably always 
has been since those times, a market town, living on a little 
' husbandry ' or ' graciers ' and, as Leicester said, ' given as in 
most places men are, to easye trades of liefe.' One thing 
which tended to destroy the trade and limit the activity of 
towns like Warwick and Beverley 1 was the number and 
narrowness of the ancient craft-gilds. In old days those gilds 
had been useful alliances of traders to ensure honest work and 
fair dealing. But the element of protection, always present 
in such associations, in later times became predominant. At 
Warwick there is only indirect evidence of the existence of 
these trade gilds in pre-Reformation times from the entries in 
the Black Book of the trades coming in Elizabeth's time to the 
town authorities to sanction and establish revised ordinances, 
or ' books,' as they are called. The revision was necessary for 
the omission of the ' Popish ' observances of lights, torches, 
obits and masses which had formed a conspicuous part of the 
old ordinances. But the opportunity was taken to tighten the 
bonds of protection and attempt to limit output and fix wages. 
Thus the ordinance of bakers in 1556 2 re-enacted a provision 
that no baker should take any bread for sale outside Warwick. 
A later ordinance of the art or craft of bakers in 1573, 3 which 
retained traces of old times in the provision for a general 
meeting of the trade on St. Clement's Day, not only enforced 
apprenticeship for seven years, which was general law, but 
allowed nobody to become a baker in Warwick unless he had 
been apprenticed there, or paid the bakers' company or gild 
an entrance fee of £4, whereas apprentices in the borough only 
paid 3s. 4d. The bakers were now allowed to sell bread at 
Coventry on Wednesdays and Fridays, at Southam on Mondays 
and Rugby on Saturdays, but nowhere else. Similar restric- 
tions were imposed on the glovers, prynt makers and skinners, 4 
who met on St. Stephen's Day in the Skinners' Hall. More- 
over, no one was allowed to deal in sheepskins who was not a 
member of the craft, though they might buy them to make the 
wool into cloth or yarn for their own wearing. The Walkers 

1 See my Beverley Town and Gild Ordinances, Selden Society, 1900. 

2 Black Book, p. 2. 8 Ibid., p. 77. 
4 Ibid., p. 66. 


(fullers) and Dyers, 1 who met on the purification of the Virgin 
(2 February), and the mercers, 2 haberdashers, grocers and 
fishmongers, who oddly enough formed one company, and met 
at the Mercers' Hall on St. John the Baptist's Day, 24 June, 
had similar rules. The entrance fee for 'foreign ' mercers was 
as high as £10, and the same was the charge for butchers 
under ' the Boochers' Book.' 3 The ' Drapers and Tailers ' made 
an ordinance forbidding a man who had left the town from 
returning to business in it, merely to prevent one William 
Wedgwood, tailor, who had left his wife in Warwick and 
married another in Stratford-on-Avon, and had been expelled 
from Warwick by the Earl of Warwick's command — a 
striking instance of paternal government — from returning to 
it and gaining a livelihood there. 4 It is remarkable that in 
these new ' books ' the old ordinances relating to searching for 
and destroying or otherwise inflicting penalties on bad or 
dishonest work were dropped. The gilds then became almost 
nakedly protective, openly showing that their real object was 
to limit competition, to prevent a fair field and to ensure 
favour. Such tactics could only operate to still further 
depress trade already depressed. So, largely owing to these 
antiquated restrictions, modern trade and manufactures drifted 
from the ancient towns and found their homes in places not 
hampered by gild ordinances. 

But to return to the school. After John Fisher's conversa- 
tion with Leicester, the grant to him, described as 'Earl of 
Leicester, Baron Denbigh, knight of either order of S. George 
and S. Michael, Master of the Horse and Privy Councillor,' of 
' le Burgers Hall sive le Guild Hall ' and the chapel ' lately 
called S. James' chapel ' above ' le Westgate,' was duly made by 
deed of 26 December, 14 Elizabeth, 1571. 5 The hospital was 
established and its master given a salary of £50, or more than 
double that of the vicar. But it was not till nearly five years 
afterwards, when he was with his brother the Earl of Warwick 
at Kenilworth, that the Earl of Leicester performed his part 
of the bargain. Then on 8 April 1576 a grant in Latin was 

1 Black Booh, p. 71. 2 Ibid., p. 139. 

3 Ibid., p. 17. Their meeting day was Mid-lent Sunday. 

4 Ibid., p. 20S. 5 Ibid., p. 62. 


drawn up by Fisher and was sealed by them. 1 ' Know ye that 
we the said earls for the good zeal we bear to the common- 
wealth of the borough of Warwick, in the county of Warwick, 
and the education of the youth of the same borough in good 
letters and sound doctrine, and the better execution of the 
laws and statutes of this realm of England in the said borough, 
have delivered granted and confirmed ... to the Bailiff and 
Burgesses All that building or chapel lately called or known 
by the name of the Chapel of S. Peter founded above a gate 
called the Eastgate (vocatum le Estgate) with a piece of waste 
land between the chapel and the wall a tenement in the 
occupation of Margaret Haley widow.' The grant also in- 
cluded ' the Stuards place now called the Shire hall and the 
garden adjoining' and 'the Cross Tavern.' This Steward's 
Place was the place where the steward of the earl held his 
courts, and where the king's justices held their assizes and 
the county justices their sessions. The land adjoining it was 
sold by the corporation in 1698. 2 The building is now repre- 
sented by the present Shire Hall in Northgate Street, formerly 
sometimes called Sheep Street, which stands on the same site. 
There is no evidence whether the school was ever actually 
transferred to St. Peter's Church. On 12 August 1572 the 
Queen came in state with Leicester, when the recorder greeted 
her with a lengthy oration on the history of the town and the 
earl's family, which much pleased her, and she called him to 
her 'and offered him her hand to kysse. Withall smyling 
said, M Come hither, little Recorder. It was told me that you 
wold be afraid to look upon me, or to speake so boldly, but 
you were not so afraid of me as I was of you. And I now 
thank you for putting me in mynde of my duty and that 
should be in me." Then ' Maister Griffin the preacher,' that 
is the new master of Leicester's new hospital, presented her 
with an elaborate Latin acrostic, the uprights of which read 
' Tu Elisabetha viro nubito mater eris,' and a copy of verses 
telling her that it was her duty to marry and have an heir. 

1 Black Book, p. 224. 

9 So Mr. Kemp informs me. He says that he was mistaken in a note in 
the Black Book, p. 225, in identifying the Shire Hall with the Borough Court 


The schoolmaster at this time is not known, and it is rather 
strange that neither he nor the school is mentioned as taking 
part in the proceedings. 

In 1580 for the first time we learn the name of any 

master of Warwick school. This is dne to another record 

of the indefatigable Elizabethan historian, Mr. John Fisher, 

known as The Booh of John Fisher} the publication of which 

we also owe to the labours of Mr. T. Kemp. In this book 

Mr. Fisher has preserved the accounts of the second year 

in which he was bailiff, 1580-1. In this account a total 

income of £107, lis. 8d. is shown, including £10, 15s. 3d. 

from ' corporation lands,' which were no doubt the lands given 

by the gild, and £3, 13s. 0d., given by whom does not appear, 

1 to the mayntenance of the Bridge/ The expenditure, which 

did not, however, include anything for the bridge, was £69 

5s. 5d., of which was paid : — 

£ s. d. 

'To Mr Humfrey Waryng for his whole yeres 

stipend as vikar of Saint Nicolas in Warwick, . 13 8 8 

Item, more to him for teaching the free gramer 

skole the said yere, . . . . . 10 

So that already, in view of the substitution of married for 
celibate clerks, the increase of the pay of the schoolmaster, in 
the absence of the doubling of the endowment asked of the Earl 
of Leicester, was effected by the expedient, adopted with fatal 
results here as elsewhere, of combining ecclesiastical with 
scholastic functions, the office of vicar with that of schoolmaster. 

Who Mr. Waring was, or when he was made master, we do 
not know. He was no doubt a relation, very likely a son, of 
the John Waring who was pensioned at the dissolution of the 
college, and again at the dissolution of the gild. No doubt 
he was a university man, but the meagre records of degrees 
at that time afford us no information as to him. 

On 4 May 1582, 2 a licence of the Bishop of Worcester 'to 

1 The Booh of John Fisher, Town Clerk and Deputy Recorder of 
Warwick, 1580-88, p. 74. Henry T. Cooke and Son, Publishers, High Street, 


2 Worcester Episc. Beg., 1571-1625, p. 42. As several preceding entries 

belong to 1583, it is probable that this does also, and that 1582 is a slip of 
the pen of the scribe. 


teach youth at Warwick ' was issued to Robert Sterne. He 
was probably the usher, but he may have been the petties 
schoolmaster, or the grammar schoolmaster himself. But we 
are left guessing. 

Nor is it easy to explain the entry, among a list of com- 
municants at Easter 1586 1 as living at 'the Skolehouse,' 
' Clement Ison and Anne his wief, Richard Belt and Margaret 
his wief, and John Maier.' Was the schoolhouse let, and if 
not, was Clement Ison the schoolmaster 1 It appears pro- 
bable, however, that this was the old schoolhouse on the walls, 
and was let as a cottage. 

On 12 December 1593 the bailiff and burgesses, 'after the 
death of Humphrey Waringe, clarke,' vicar of St. Nicholas, 
presented ' one Hercules Marrell ' to the vicarage. The new 
schoolmaster seems to have taken the lower if less onerous 
place of ' assistant minister,' fur on 4 December 1594 2 Mr. 
Thomas Hall, ' scholemaster, did move to Mr. Bailive and the 
rest of the burgesses twoo requests, being both reasonable and 
therefore doubted not of the grant.' The first was that he 
' might be disburdened and eased of the charge and trouble of 
reading comon praier in the churche.' He asked this, not 
because of the trouble to himself, but because 'hee was in 
dutie bond to attend another office the fruicion whereof was 
by this meanes in some measure hindered, yet not soe much 
neglected as the mallice of some harts did conceive, or the 
spight of some loose toungs reporte, the which that he might 
better sustane hee wholly would imploie himself whereunto 
hee was called.' It is evident that, as always, the combination 
of schoolmaster and parson was bad for the interests of the 
school, and that people had not scrupled to complain that the 
school was sacrificed to the master's ecclesiastical duties. 
Meanwhile rival schoolmasters had apparently undertaken the 
work which the curate neglected. For Hall's second petition, 
1 made not for his own gain (although some would perhaps 
censure him covetous, of the which vice he frelie cleared him- 
self) but for the avoy dance of some misconvenience which 
might ensue,' was that the corporation would put down rival 

1 Book of John Fisher, p. 193. 

2 Ibid. iV . 400, f. 266. 


schoolmasters. 'That the number of teachers and Schole- 
maisters might bee within this borough abated ; the toleration 
of whom impugned [the] common law of the realme, imposed 
penaltie uppon the corporation, insured diversitie of opinion, 
and prejudiced the good education of yonge schollers.' 

The corporation's answer to the first point was that Hall 
must continue in his place 'untill such time as they were 
convenientlie furnished with some other sufficient/ and to this 
he consented. To the second request, ' necessarie reforinacion, 
with equall and indyfferent favor, was promised.' It would 
be interesting to know how, in the absence of the thunders of 
the church, the suppression of the rival schools was effected. 
Perhaps by the eviction of the rival schoolmaster from his 

Mr. Hall was not a person to hesitate to express his views, 
for in 1618, 1 when he had become vicar of St. Mary's, 'Mr. 
Bayliffe and two of his company ' were deputed to ' talke with 
Mr. Hall about his invective sermons and reproachfull and 
scandalous speeches against the Bayliffe and Burgesses, and if 
uppon their motion he will not reconcyle himselfe and be 
peaceable, then articles to be exhibited against him to the 
highe commissioners.' Some years later he appears in the cor- 
poration books again. In 1631 the corporation was engaged 
in controversy with Mr. Hall about his salary as vicar of St. 
Mary's, the corporation complaining that they had already 
augmented it from £20/ lymitted by Charter/ to £50, and had 
offered the ' Easter book' or Easter offerings or £10 instead, 
in addition, which Mr. Hall rejected, threatening a suit at 
law, 'sparing not disgracefully to reproach us.' So they 
passed ' an Acte of Common Counsell ' that if he began a suit 
they would revert to the charter payment of £20. 

But on 7 October, taking into consideration the request 
made by Mr. Thomas Hall ' for some increase of his maynten- 
ance/ and 'weighinge well his ministeriall function in the 
visitacion and comfortinge of sicke persons, his hospitallity 
and charitye in relieving the poore, and that the said Mr. 

1 Corporation Minute-Book, 1610 to 1662, 6 Nov. 1618. As on the burial 
of his wife with an infant son on Christmas Day 1612, he is described as 
1 pastor hujus ecclesiae,' he must have been vicar some years. 


Hall is now aged and hath more cause of expence than here- 
tofore/ they offered him the ' Easter booke,' i.e. the Easter 
offerings, so called, which had long become an obligatory 
payment, or £10 in money. 

The minute-book, however, leaves Mr. Hall still in contro- 
versy, this time — 15 February 1632-3 — with his assistant or 
lecturer, Mr. Clarke, when it was agreed that the latter should 
not go on with his lectures at St. Nicholas's ' untill these differ- 
ences shall be by the authority of the ecclesiastical court, or 
judges of the lawe, or otherwise, appeased.' His burial is 
recorded in St. Mary's Register on 22 April 1639. 

Mr. Hall was succeeded in the schoolmastership — but at 
what date exactly we do not know — by the most distinguished 
person who ever held that office. This was John Owen, the 
epigrammatist, whose works have been published and repub- 
lished, and translated not once but several times into the four 
great languages of Europe — English, French, German, and 
Spanish. It is not too much to say that his epigrams are 
superior to those of any since Martial in point and wit — if not 
to those of Martial himself. Unfortunately for this degenerate 
age, the originals are in Latin, and though as late as 1824 an 
edition of them was published at Leipzig, John Owen is no 
longer a prophet in his own country. Curiously enough, this 
fate was half anticipated by one of the writers who heralded 
Owen's second volume of epigrams, dedicated to the unfor- 
tunate Lady ' Arbella ' Stuart. 

' Multi scripserunt epigrammata nuper et olim 
Quorum vix equidem nomina nota mihi: 
Et tua (ne dubites) vivent epigi ammata, vivent, 
Dum sacer in precio sermo Latinus erit.' 

1 Both past and present epigrams are many, 
Though writers' names I scarce remember any; 
Your epigrams shall live ; shall live, I say, 
While Latin speech shall hold its sacred sway.' 

Latin speech no longer holds its sway, and Owen's epigrams 
are forgotten. 

John Owen was a Welshman, born at Bettws Gannon, a 


village now known to fame as a station on the little mountain 
railway from Carnarvon to Snowdon. Like many other of his 
countrymen under the Tudors, he was given a scholarship at 
Winchester College, and was last but one on the roll of 1577, 
being then 13 years old, so that he was born about 1564. 
His first two years were spent under the headmastership of 
John Bilson, afterwards Bishop of Winchester, a most sturdy 
Protestant. His last two years were spent under a compatriot 
of his own, Hugh Lloyd, who came from Carnarvon, and had 
been under the famous Christopher Johnson, himself a master 
of Latin epigram. Among his contemporaries was John 
Hoskins, also half a Welshman, from Herefordshire, who dis- 
tinguished himself by being expelled from Oxford for his 
performances as a jester in the capacity of Terrae filius at 
Commemoration, took to schoolmastering at Ilchester, and 
having married a rich wife became an M.P. ; was sent to the 
Tower by James I. for lampooning his Scotch favourites, but 
ended as a Judge and Member of the Council of Wales. His 
chief title to fame is his reputed authorship of the lines on 
the far-famed ' Trusty Servant ' in the kitchen of Winchester 

It was to Bilson's teaching that Owen imputed his epigram- 
matic skill (i. 25) — 

1 Tu mini preceptor quondam, Bilsone, fuisti, 
Debeo preceptis, scribo quod ista, tiiis.' 

1 Bilson, instructor of my youth, to you 
Whate'er these epigrams are worth is due.' 

He always remained a patriotic Wykehamist. One of his 
epigrams (i. 27) is in praise of ' Collegium Wintoniense,' which 
he does not hesitate to call — as without dispute it then was — 
the first school in Europe — 

1 Prima scholas Europae inter Wintonica, cujus 
Pars ego, quae mea laus maxima, parva fui. 
Hunc tibi primatum nee Zoilus ipse negabit, 
Si tibi Wickamum noverit ipse patrem.' 


1 Chief school of Europe, Winton, in whose fame 
My proudest boast is a slight share to claim, 
E'en Zoilus will admit thy primacy 
If he but know thee Wykeham's child to be.' 

The education at Winchester was largely devoted to the 
production of Latin epigrams, under the name of Vulgus, a 
corruption of ' Vulgars ' or exercises on common words, which 
were still done three times a week during the first three years 
of the present writer's career at Winchester, from 1863-9. 
An epigram of Grocyn, the first ' Grecian ' in England, said to 
have been written by him while still at Winchester, has had 
the honour of being incorporated in Latin anthologies as being 
by Petronius Arbiter himself, and a story is told of how Arch- 
deacon Philpotts, who was burnt for heresy under Mary, had 
competed in Latin verse at school with, and beat, Archdeacon 
Harpsfield who (partly therefore) burnt him. Christopher 
Johnson's ' distichs ' or two-lined epigrams on the headmasters 
who had preceded him were published while Owen was at 
the school. So our Winchester scholar was as much at home 
in Latin epigrams as a duck in water. 

One at least of Owen's most famous epigrams (i. 39) was 
written while he was still at school. In November 1580, 
Queen Elizabeth paid a state visit to Sir Francis Drake in his 
ship at Deptford, with which he had just returned from his 
voyage round the world. ' The Annals of Elizabeth written in 
Latin, by the learned Mr. William Camden,' record how the 
ship * was drawn up into a little creek near Deptford on the 
Thames (where its carkasse is yet to be seen) ' — this was in 
1685, the date of the third edition of Gent's translation — 
' and it being consecrated for a memorial with a great 
ceremony in praise of Drake, these verses among others were 
set up the same day upon the mainmast, written by the 
schollers of Winchester schoole.' He then quotes a number 
of them, headed by those which Owen, by including them in 
his published epigrams, claimed as his own, and indeed they 
bear the stamp of his genius. 

'Plus ultra Herculeis inscribas, Drace, columnis 
Et magno dicas Hercule major ero. 


Drace, perarrati novit quern terminus orbis 
Quemque semel mundi vidit uterque polus ; 

Si taceant homines, facient te sidera notum ; 
Atque polus de te discet uterque loqui.' 

These were rendered by a contemporary translator — 

' On Hercules' pillars, Drake, thou maist 

Plus ultra write full well : 
And say I will in greatness that 
Great Hercules excel. 

Sir Drake, whom well the world's end knows 

Which thou dost compass round, 
And whom both Poles of Heav'n once saw 

Which North and South doe bound, 
The starres above will make thee knowne 

If men here silent were; 
The Sun himself could not forsret 

His fellow-traveller.' 

It is not often that schoolboy efforts are thus recorded in 
a great history, and Camden himself apologises for 'these 
things which may seem puerile and vain, and not befitting 
the dignity of history/ but his testimony to the superiority of 
Owen's and the other Winchester boys' verses is the more 
gracious, as he was headmaster of its then great rival, 

They are perhaps not less striking in that Owen at the time 
was only sixteen years old, and did not leave school for two 
years afterwards. Owen's epigrammatic facility no doubt 
helped him to his election to New College, low down as he had 
been on the Winchester roll at entrance. He was admitted 
a scholar or probationer-fellow in 1582, and a full fellow, 
as usual, two years later. At New College, fellowships 
were then divided, according to William of Wykeham's 
statutes, among 'artists ' and 'jurists,' ' medici ' and 'astronomi,' 
or the students of ' arts ' or the classics, of ' civil and common 
law,' ' medicine ' and ' astronomy ' respectively. There was no 
choice as to which line any particular person entered, he had 
to take his chance as a vacancy occurred. Apparently, for a 


poor man, unable to support himself until lie could make 
a fortune in practice in the ecclesiastical courts, which had 
wofully shrunk in importance since the Reformation, it was 
a misfortune to become a 'jurist/ and there are frequent 
entries in the college records of fellows resigning because 
they had become ' civilistae ' or civilians, and their friends 
could no longer support them. So it was mainly from the 
'jurists' that the second masters of Winchester itself, and 
the schoolmasters generally, were recruited — a very un- 
expected result of Wykeham's statutes. Thus Hugh Barton, 
who as Founder's kin headed the roll in Owen's year, was a 
' civilista,' and became headmaster of what is now known as 
the Prebendal School, Chichester, to which a canonry or 
prebend in the Cathedral was and is annexed, and Richard 
Butcher, another scholar of the year, also a jurist, became 
headmaster of Thame, a school of which New College was 
patron. Owen himself became a B.C.L. in 1590, and next 
year is said to have been a schoolmaster at Trilleck, in 

It seems impossible to ascertain exactly when he became 
headmaster of the King's School, Warwick. But it was about 
1595, most likely when Thomas Hall became vicar. It is not 
improbable that Warwick owed Owen to the recommendation 
of Bishop Bilson, Owen's headmaster, who was then Bishop 
of Worcester. Not a shred of evidence is forthcoming as to the 
internal state of the school during Owen's mastership. But 
the fame of his own Latin verse must have shed a reflected 
light on the school, and have brought pupils to it. 

He published the first instalment of his epigrams in 1606, 
in three books, dedicated to the Lady Mary, wife of Sir Henry 
Neville, seventh Lord Abergavenny. They met with such 
instant success that they went through two editions within a 
month. A fourth book of epigrams dedicated to Lady 'Arbella/ 
the unfortunate Arabella Stuart, appeared in 1607. One of 
the earliest and cleverest epigrams, the third in order, was to 
his friend John Hoskins, and produced an equally clever 
answer — 

4 Hie liber est mundus ; homines sunt, Hoskine, versus ; 
Invenies paucos hie, ut in orbe, bonos.' 


' Hoskins, deem this the world, my verses men, and you 
Will find, as in the world, the good are very few.' 

To which Hoskins answered in the third edition — 

1 Hie liber est mundus ; movet, et sine fine movetur ; 

Ipse licet taceas, Bibliopola probat. 
Nam tua perpetuum exercent epigrammata prelum 
Pene fatigatis ter repetita typis.' 

4 Thy book the world 1 Yes, for it always moves, 
As every bookseller and bookstall proves. 
Your epigrams exhaust the eternal press, 
Its types worn out with thrice-repeated stress.' 

It is difficult, amidst all the wealth of wit contained in 
Owen's epigrams, to select specimens. The best known one 
is that which, like Hippoclides' after-dinner dance, is said to 
have laughed away a fortune, which he expected from an 
uncle of Romanist proclivities, and to have procured the book 
the honour of a place on the Roman Index Uxpurgatorius — 

1 An Petrus f uerit Romae, sub judice lis est ; 
Simonem Romae nemo fuisse negat.' 

' If Peter was at Rome, at issue lies, 
That Simon was at Rome, no one denies.' 

Considering that medieval literature rings with the same 
sentiment of ' venalia Romae omnia,' that everything at Rome 
is to be had for money, and money only, this epigram hardly 
seems an adequate cause for the loss of an inheritance. 

One of the neatest may be entitled 


' Pro patria sit dulce mori, licet atque decorum ; 
Vivere pro patria dulcius esse puto.' 

1 Though sweet it may be for one's country to die, 
To live for one's country is sweeter, say I.' 



This epigram is worthy of its subject ? — 


1 Qui scribenda facit, scribitve legenda, beatus 

Ille ; beatior es tu quod utrumque facis. 
Digna legi scribis, facis et dignissima scribi, 
Scripta probant doctum te, tua facta probum.' ' 

* Happy the hero and the poet are, 
Thou, both in one, than both art happier far : 
Thy songs men read, and songs thy deeds befit, 
Thy deeds portray thy work, thy songs thy wit.' 

The next might have been written by one who had sailed 
under Drake against the Spanish Armada, or by one of the 
Blue Water School to-day — 


' Anglorum portse sunt portus, moenia classes, 
Castra requor, valli corpora, corda duces.' 

' Harbours are England's gates, her ships her walls ; 
Her ramparts men, their hearts her generals.' 

In a lighter vein are these — 


' Esse in natura vacuum cur, Marce, negasti ? 
Cum tamen ingenii tam sit inane caput.' 

* That Mark denies that Nature knows a vacuum 
Is strange, when all can mark his empty cerebrum.' 

THE BALD HEAD (l. 106). 

1 Calve, meos nunquam potui numerare capillos ; 
Nee tu (nam nulli sunt) numerare tuos.' 

' To count my hairs were task without an end, 
To count your hairs, you can't begin, bald friend.' 

It is not clear where Owen taught school. It appears that 
it was not in St. Peter's chapel, which the Earl of Leicester 


had given for the purpose. For an entry in the Corporation 
Minute-Book, 21 November 1615, 'agreed that Wm. Carter be 
put out of his possession of St. Peter's Chappell, and that the 
same be let to Richard Goodwick att will from yeare to yeare 
at 20s. a yere and keeping repayre,' seems to show that the 
chapel was not the school. It was therefore either in the old 
schoolhouse, St. John's Church, or still in the Gild Hall. 

We only know of two of the pupils of this famous master. 
The first is Sir Thomas Puckering. He was son of Sir John 
Puckering, Keeper of the Great Seal in 1592, who had pur- 
chased and settled down in the Priory. The fact is com- 
memorated in an epigram of the master written to the pupil 
about 1611, and appears in Owen's second volume (ii. 9), 
which was dedicated to Prince Henry, the elder brother of 
Charles I., of whose court Puckering was a member, and 
thereby became one of the first batch of baronets at their 
original creation. He was M.P. for Tamworth, and in 1630 
founded a Hospital at Warwick for eight poor women as a 
set off to Leicester's male hospital. 

' Care tuum, Thoma, si fas tarn prisca referre, 

Ingenium colui nobile primus ego. 
Doctor ego, Puckringe, f ui tuus, optime, primus ; 
Non sum quod fueram, sum tamen usque tuus.' 

1 Dear Thomas, if t' invoke old times be fit ; 
I cultivated first thy noble wit. 
I thy first teacher was, great pupil mine, 
I am not what I was, but still am thine.' 

Another pupil of John Owen's who attained to fame was 
John Ley, born in Warwick in 1583, and elected from the. 
school in 1601 to a studentship at Christ Church, Oxford 
Canon and Sub-Dean of Chester Cathedral, he was, like many 
of the cleverer clergy, a Puritan. He became a member of 
the Westminster Assembly of Divines, and had so far profited 
by Owen's ministrations that he was examiner in Latin to 
that body. In 1645 he was President of Sion College, the 
college of London city clergy, and became rector of Stilwell. 
Fortunately for himself he had retired, owing to illness, before 
the Restoration, and died in 1662. 


Owen's career at Warwick was not, perhaps, without its 
storms, though we know little of them. On 5 June 1613 a 
bill was filed in Chancery by Thomas Hunt and others, no 
doubt including the schoolmaster, against Thomas Shake- 
speare, then bailiff, and the burgesses, alleging breaches of 
trust in respect of Henry vm.'s grant and the gifts of Oken, 
Wheler, and Griffin. The information, the answer and the 
depositions taken are not to be found among the corporation 
records nor yet among the Chancery records, in which they 
are recited to be ; very few Chancery records of this date 
exist, while those which do exist are in a state of wild con- 
fusion. So we know nothing of the details, except those 
stated in the judgment. 

On 10 November 1614 the cause came on for hearing, 
1 but the particulars of the said misimployments then seeming 
to be so many as this Court had then no time to consider of 
the several particulars thereof,' a commission was issued to 
Sir John Ferrers and Sir Clement Fisher, knights, and others 
to hear and determine the matters as well concerning the 
commons as other misemployments, or to make a certificate 
thereon. The commissioners, after two or three days' hearing, 
on 11 January 1614-15, certified that the Coten tithes had 
been underlet to the bailiffs and burgesses at £40 a year, and 
they were accordingly made to pay £60 for arrears of the 
last three years ; while four members of the corporation 
individually were found to hold leases of the charity property 
at an undervalue, and were made to pay some but by no 
means full compensation. The commissioners also ordered 
£16 a year to be given to the poor, and £100 to be received 
for ' setting awork the pore ' from the bailiffs and burgesses, 
as a sort of fine, including the £60 for under-rent of Coten 
tithes. Finally it was agreed that to meet the costs of the 
complainants, Thomas Hunt, Francis Collings, Richard Mil- 
ward, and John King, they should have the Coten tithes for 
£50 a year for seven years. When the certificate had been 
made, the bailiffs and burgesses, who had agreed to it, put in 
exceptions. So it was not till 30 October 1615, 2 \ years after 
the suit was instituted, that a decree was made by Lord 
Chancellor Ellesmere confirming the certificate, and directing 


that the rents of the estates should be applied by the bailiffs 
and burgesses according to the intention of the donors, 'wherein 
this Court doth wish them to have a regard of the now In- 
cumbent Ministers, they being sufficient preachers lawfully 
authorized, especially to Dr. Hall, the present incumbent of 
S. Mary's Parish Church, being the principal Church and 
greatest parish there, the quondam schoolmaster, and also 
to the schoolmaster of the Free Grammar School and his 
successors, being sufficient painful and diligent in their places.' 
The reader will not need to be reminded that ' painful ' refers 
not to the pains the master might inflict on his scholars, but 
to those he should take himself. The burgesses were also 
ordered to account yearly to the High Sheriff and the Custos 
Eotulorum of the county. 

It appears from later Chancery proceedings that this decree 
resulted in a general rise of stipends, that of the schoolmaster 
being doubled, increased that is from £10 to £20. But the 
parson's meanwhile had been trebled, so that the vicar of 
St. Mary's received £60 instead of his original £20 ; while the 
stipend of the vicar of St. Nicholas's, which is not mentioned in 
Henry viii.'s charter, having been established by an Ordinance 
of the Bishop of Worcester with the consent of the Dean and 
Chapter of Warwick in 1464, had been raised from £13, 6s. 8d. 
to £40. The usher, who is also not mentioned in the charter, 
got £8 a year. 

John Owen died in 1622 and received the honour of inter- 
ment in St. Paul's Cathedral, where a brass, burnt in the Great 
Fire, was erected to him (it is said) by his uncle, the Lord 
Keeper Williams. Dugdale records the inscription, which 
was on a column next to the door of the consistory court, 
which, as was usual, occupied the last bay at the west end : — 

1 Parva tibi statua est, quia parva statura, supellex 
Parva, volat parvus magna per ora liber. 

Sed non parvus honos, non parva est gloria ; quippe 
Ingenio haud quicquam est majus in orbe tuo. 

Parva domus texit, Templum sed grande ; Poetse 
Turn vero vitam, quum moriuntur agunt.' 

The inscription is not worthy of Owen, who would not have 


tolerated from a fifth-form boy the perpetration of 'parva 
statura ■ of the first line. It has been well Englished by an 
old Wykehamist of to-day, Mr. L. L. Shad well: — 

' Little your statue, stature, and estate ; 
Your little book is quoted by the great. 
Not little is your name, nor rated low ; 
Nought greater than your wit the world can show. 
Small was your home, in this vast fane you lie ; 
For poets' lives begin but when they die.' 

John Owen, the Epigrammatist. 

Headmaster, c. 1595-1620 



Who was Owen's successor in the mastership of Warwick 
does not seem to be ascertainable. On 9 January 1628 a 
minute-book of the corporation records the votes as to ' who 
shall be comended to the Lord Keeper for the schoolmaster of 
the Free Schoole.' The whole of the eleven principal bur- 
gesses present voted solid for 'Mr. Walker/ who was also 
supported by three assistant burgesses, while two of the latter 
voted for a Mr. Ward. A letter to the Lord Keeper was 
thereupon written 'to comend Mr. Walker when the place 
shalbe voyde.' Who held the place at the time is not stated, 
nor does it appear why the place was likely to be void, nor is 
it known if Mr. Walker ever held it. 

The next master known to history was Mr. Thomas Dugard. 
When King Charles I. came to Warwick 'in progress,' 19 
August 1636, 1 and was presented with a silver gilt cup, which 
cost £21 odd, he was 'recevid by the Bailive, Principal e Bur- 
gesses and Assistants, and oracion made by Mr. Dugard 
Scholemaster of the King's Gramer Schole in Warwick.' 

The Thomas Dugard of Bromsgrove, who matriculated at 
Balliol in 1606, and became M. A. from Christ Church in 1609, 2 
may have been his father. 

The burgesses were again attacked in Chancery, this time 
by the Attorney-General, by information filed 20 February 
1632-3. There were two complaints : one, with which we are 
not concerned, relating to the title of the burgesses, as owners 
of the rectory of Chaddesley Corbet, to appoint to the livings 
of Kushock and Stone, which were in the parish ; the other, 
that the burgesses had misapplied the rents of Henry vm.'s 

1 Corporation Minute-Book, 1610-1662. 

- Foster's Alumni Oxonienses. 



grant. The prosecution, however, conferred with the corpora- 
tion, and the matter was referred, 20 June 1636, three years 
after the suit was begun, by the Court requesting ' the justices 
of assizes that rode that circuit ' to consider the letters patent 
and the former decree, and make a certificate to give effect to 

This reference to the judges to interpret trusts had a disas- 
trous effect on the future history of the foundation. Instead 
of regarding the trusts, they, by their certificate, 8 July 1636, 
made a compromise order by consent. They increased the 
stipends all round of the vicars of St. Mary's, St. Nicholas's, 
and Budbrook, and the assistant curate of St. Mary's, and 
the schoolmaster, giving each an addition of £10 a year to 
their then respective stipends. This, in the case of the school- 
master, meant a rise from £20 to £30 a year, while the usher 
was increased by only £2 — from £8 to £10 a year. But while 
all the other increases were unconditional, in the case of the 
schoolmaster's the rise was conditional. ' And so as such 
Master and Usher teach all the children born and brought up 
in Warwick from the Accidence to the Grammar, and so for- 
ward, without taking anything for the same, after they are fit 
to be taught the accidence.' 

The limitation in the freedom of the school to children 
born in Warwick was not in accordance with the foundation, 
which made the school free for all. The distinction drawn 
between townsfolk and outsiders was an unfortunate one, as 
giving occasion for the notion that the main object of the 
foundation was not the advancement of what we call secondary 
education in general, but primarily and peculiarly the giving 
to Warwick townsfolk a free education, the kind being of 
comparatively little importance compared with the right of 
the townspeople to have it without payment. The clause, 
however, which limited the freedom to those who were fit for 
the accidence, at all events prevented the school from being 
degraded, as so many grammar schools in the country were 
degraded, into merely elementary schools. It was a repetition 
of the medieval decision that the school was a school for boys 
who already knew the elements of grammar, not a school to 
teach the elements. 


More disastrous was the finding that 'the premises were 
granted to the proper use of the said corporation/ and the 
direction that, after the fixed pay meets prescribed, ' the surplus 
of the rents and profits . . . shall be disposed and employed for 
and towards the uses following, that is to say, (i) the repairs 
of the Church and Chancel of S. Mary's.' This, as far as 
the chancel was concerned, was quite right, that being one of 
the original objects. So also was (ii) ' the repair of the Great 
Bridge then leading over the river Avon,' as it was one of 
the objects of the property of £10 a year added by the gild 
to the king's grant. But a third and totally new trust was 
introduced, ' the binding of poor children born or bred in the 
town to be apprentices, and the relief of the poor aged people 
of the said town besides.' Finally, the residue was declared 
to be ' for such other good religious and charitable uses tending 
to the general good of the said town and the care of the 
inhabitants thereof, as the Bailiffs and Burgesses for the time 
being shall think meet and convenient.' 

The judges calmly admitted that this was not declaring 
trusts, but making them. ' Albeit this may seem to dispense 
with the former decree of this Court,' yet ' we conceive it will 
be a strengthening thereof and doth order the residue ... in 
a more certain way . . . and is like to produce a future quiet 
and peace and to prevent all occasions of suits hereafter.' 
The certificate was confirmed by the Lord Keeper's decree, 
17 July 1636. It did not prevent future suits; but it did 
prevent a due proportion of the continuous increment of the 
endowment from reaching the school, and, by setting up a dole 
charity, which probably never yet did anything but harm to 
any one, so far from benefiting anybody, imposed a serious 
hindrance on the progress and prosperity of the town, while 
the application of the residue in aid of rates to public pur- 
poses of the town was a complete departure from the original 
objects of the trust. 

That the school kept up to its old standard under Dugard 
may be gathered from the corporation, on 24 February 1641-2, 
contributing ' out of Mr. Oken's charitable monies,' £3 to ' the 
widow Shin towards the placinge of her sonne a porre scolar 
at Oxford, there beinge great hopes of his provinge to be a 


good scollar, being well entred in lerninge and beinge con- 
ceived of good naturall parts for that purpose.' 

One pupil of Dugard's, John Murcot, is known to fame as 
an eminent Independent preacher. Son of a father of the 
same name, he was born at Warwick in 1625, and entered 
Warwick School. From Warwick School he went to Merton 
College, Oxford. When Oxford became Charles i.'s capital, 
Murcot, to escape bearing arms as a Royalist, sought refuge in 
the vicarage of Budworth, in Cheshire, then held by John Ley, 
the old Warwickian above mentioned. After Oxford surren- 
dered to the Parliament, Murcot returned and took his degree. 
He received orders on the Presbyterian model, and succeeded 
Ley as vicar of Budworth, in Cheshire. He was invited to 
Dublin as one of the preachers-in-ordinary to the Lord- 
Deputy Fleetwood, and attained great fame. Dying there 
at the early age of thirty, he was buried with great pomp in 
Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, and received the honour of 
a biography at the hands of Dr. Samuel Winter (a Warwick- 
shire man, but of Coventry School), Provost of Trinity College, 

The school seems to have gone on quietly during the Civil 
War, the Commonwealth, and the Protectorate. Most writers 
of school histories express surprise when they find this to be 
the case. Why, it is hard to guess. Any idea that the 
Puritans or Parliamentarians were opposed to learning, or 
desired to put down schools, can only be founded on mere 
ignorance. It was they, not the Royalists, who were the 
learned and literary party. What names are to be found 
among the Cavaliers to set against Prynne and Selden and 
Milton ? Outside Oxford the bulk of the earnest clergy were 
Puritans, the cream of the country gentlemen everywhere were 
Parliamentarians. They did not wage war against schools. 
On the contrary, they increased the endowments of a great 
many. Even when, as at Westminster and at York, they 
abolished Deans and Chapters, special provision was made for 
the schools which were supported, or supposed to be supported, 
out of their revenues or were under their governance. At 
Warwick the school went on the even tenor of its way as a 
matter of course. 


Dugard himself was in all probability a Puritan, or at least 
a Parliamentarian, as, under the influence of Robert Greville, 
second Lord Brooke, the castle and town of Warwick and 
most of the county were. The fact that Dugard retained his 
office throughout the Civil War, and retired to Barford 
Rectory in 1648, where he stayed until the Restoration and 
beyond, is evidence that he, at all events, was not in active 
opposition to Parliament, and was not ' a malignant.' 

His only known published work is Death and the Grave, a 
sermon on the death of Lady Alice Lucie, or, as we should say, 
Alice, Lady Lucy, one of the Lucys of Charlcote, in 1649. In 
Worthies of Warvjickshire, a book on the Nature of the Divine 
Law is attributed to him, but this was really the work of his 
son, having been published in 1687, four years after the death 
of Dugard the headmaster. His monument may still be seen 
in Barford Church on the north wall of the chancel, with two 
disengaged columns with Corinthian capitals supporting an 
entablature, in the divided pediment of which is a skull. A 
slate slab records in Latin that ' Beneath lies Thomas Dugard, 
M.A., of whom it is doubtful whether his knowledge of letters 
was more polished or his life more upright, but he assuredly 
deserved reverence for both. After being rector of this church 
for 35 years with the greatest zeal, satiated with life and long 
ripe for heaven, he put off mortality 7 October 1683, in the 
76th year of his age. Whose memory is blest.' 

Dugard probably resigned the headmastership on being 
made rector of Barford ; but this cannot, in the dearth of docu- 
ments, be ascertained with exactitude. There is evidence 
that a successor was there at all events as early as 1653, in 
the Admission Register of St. John's College, Cambridge, which 
records that Eliezer, son of Gilbert Stockton, gentleman, of 
Kinscote, Leicestershire, admitted sizar 11 March 1657-8, 
had been at school at Warwick under Mr. Glover for five 

This Mr. Glover seems to have been Thomas, son of John 
Glover of Warwick, who is described as 'plebeian' when 
matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1642. Plebeian 
means that he was not the son of a knight or esquire, or in 
other words, of a country gentleman. He was probably the 


same person who was rector of Northfield, Worcestershire, in 
1661, and of St. Nicholas, Warwick, in 1662. Besides the 
sizar of St. John's already mentioned, we may credit him with 
Samuel Dugard, the son of his predecessor, whose name, with 
that of a great many other obscure theologians, for no apparent 
reason, burdens the pages of the Dictionary of National 

At St. Nicholas's, Samuel Jemmatt was instituted vicar 
on 8 February 1671-2, 1 on Glover's death. Whether Glover 
retained the vicarage with the mastership, there is no evidence 
to show, but probably he did. 

The next headmaster who comes into view, comes in a not 
very creditable way. On 22 February 1672-3, it was 'ordered ' 
by the town council ' that the £10 due to the Usher of the Free 
Schoole be noe more paid to Mr. Martin, Head Schoolemaster, 
he having noe Usher, nor the 40s. formerly given to the Usher 
by Mr. Oken, untill further order.' From the absence of an 
usher it would appear that the school was not very nourishing 
at this epoch. Mr. Martin seems to be the William Martin of 
Warwick who matriculated at Trinity College, Oxford, in 1664,'- 
but of whom nothing else is known. On 20 September 1687, 
the Register of St. Mary's, Warwick, records the burial of 
Mr. William Martin, schoolmaster. He must have resigned 
shortly before, since his successor was appointed on 20 
August 1687. 

The next master known was Mr. William Eades. He was 
no doubt related to the Roger Eades who was mayor in 1645- 
1657, and to the Richard Eades who, on 6 May 1631, was 
presented by the town to the vicarage of Budbrook, and his 
father John Eades lived at Warwick. William Eades was 
appointed vicar by letters patent of King James n., on 20 
February, and instituted on 19 May 1687, 3 and was appointed 
schoolmaster by similar letters patent on 13 August 

Eades's appointment seems to have been made for purely 
partisan and political purposes, as he was either a Roman in 

1 Worcester's. Rtg. t 1660-1714, f. 196. 

2 Foster's Alumni Oxon. 

3 Worcester Epis. Reg., f. 44 b. 


disguise, or at least a Romaniser. But, as usual, James II. 
and his chancellor Jeffreys seem to have been singularly 
ill advised in the choice of their instruments, though this 
may probably have been because no decent instruments for 
their purposes were forthcoming. 

In the Chancery suit, which eventually ensued, Humphrey 
Shaksheafe, mason, swore that ' in or about the beginning of 
September 1687, being imployed aboute the building of a 
popish chappell ' in Warwick, Eades came and went up the 
scaffold, and being asked to lay a stone he did so, ' being 
a coin (i.e. corner) stone over the doore place of the said 
chappell,' and gave the mason sixpence, ' and desired to have 
the first letter of his name putt upon that stone,' which was 
done. Other witnesses said that ' when the pretended Bishop 
Gifford ' came to consecrate the chapel, he saw Eades there in 
company with a priest at this consecration, that the ' popish 
bishop ' came in his coach to Eades's house and was entertained 
by him, and that Eades tried to get the bells of St. Mary's 
rung to celebrate the consecration. Eades produced counter 
evidence that he had not laid the stone, and an alibi as to the 
consecration, and explained that when Bishop Gifford's coach 
passed his house he happened to be at the door to speak to a 
neighbour. The rebutting evidence was not very convincing, 
especially as William Tarver, ex-mayor, swore that Eades had 
admitted to him that he had laid the stone, andliad his name 
engraved in capital letters on it. 

In view of the dates, it seems extremely probable that 
James n. was trying at Warwick the game that he played at 
Magdalen College, Oxford. The corporation clearly suspected 
some political design, and went into open opposition to 

On 16 September 1687 x it was * ordered and agreed that 
Mr. William Edes vicar of S. Maryes should be paid by the 
present Mayor the stipent or sallary given by the charter 
and noe otherwise, and likewise for the free scoole the same 
stipent allowed given by charter when it become due.' On 
15 October he demanded from the corporation £51, 15s. 6d., 
being at the rate of £100 a year salary, with ' the Easter Book,' 
1 Corporation Minute-Book, 1664-1690. 


£7, 10s., and other payments, and then they 'rendered him his 
stipend paid by our serjents according to our charter.' In 
reply, Eades demanded £100 a year from the date of his pre- 
decessor's (Mr. Preston's) death ; ' item the Easter book and 
the full pay since Midsomer, for I have had no curate by my 
appointment, neither shall any preach in my pulpitt that you 
shall appoint. Pick what sense your malice will permit you 
out of this, and I doe expect to be paid it forthwith.' The 
mayor subsequently told a Mr. Brewitt, whose aid the 
corporation invoked, how he had been threatened by Eades's 
brother, ' a wild debauched young man, and lately listed into 
one of the troopes of Major-General Warden's regiment now 
quartered at Warwick. . . . He broke out into a violent 
passion against me as mayor, repeating the God-damming him- 
self many times over, if he did not kill me whenever he saw 
me.' On Friday ' I did complayne to his officer, who hath con- 
fined him. I wish his brother the vicar be not an incourager 
of him in it, for he brought him to my house with his sword 
by his side twice the day before he went to London.' Failing 
the temporal, the vicar resorted to the spiritual, sword. When 
he administered the sacrament, ' he was so out of charity with 
the corporation that he left them out of the prayers.' Mr. 
Brewitt communicated the contents of the mayor's letter to 
Eades, who, on 3 November, wrote a furious answer from 
London. Among other amenities he wrote : ' Doe not mistake 
yourself, for altho' you were pleased to call me boy and what 
not, yet you will find me more in the dealings you have with 
me.' He says he would never have quarrelled with them ' if 
Mr. Prescott had kept his tongue within his teeth, and not 
told my Lord Chancellor I could not read Latin. He is better 
satisfy'd concerning me, and it is probable your designs may 
prove to my advantage,' which was not unlikely, seeing that 
the Lord Chancellor was the redoubtable Jeffreys. 

Eades's father, the corporation wrote to Mr. Brewitt, ' who 
hath no more breeding than he hath given his son, did report 
in publick that his son had gotten the better of the corpora- 
tion, and that in a few days they would have a messenger to 
fetch them up to London.' 

On 18 December the corporation took a somewhat mean 


revenge by ordering that ' whereas the lease of the house 
wherein Mr. John Edes, the vicar's father, now liveth is near 
expiring/ they would grant a new lease to Mr. John Savage. 
On 24 May 1688 the then mayor was ordered to be allowed 
and reimbursed out of the corporation revenues ' the moneys 
he shall expend in and about the Corporation Rights as well 
against Mr. William Eeds, the present viccar of Saint Maryes, 
as alsoe in any other cause relating to the rights of the said 
Corporacion.' The last words refer to James ii.'s attack on 

The Warwick corporation, with many others, was dissolved 
'by his Order of Counsell' in 1688. So Eades for the time 
remained triumphant. But the time was not long. Before 
the end of the year the truculent Lord Chancellor was in 
prison and his overbearing master a throneless fugitive. No- 
where can the ' Glorious Revolution ' have been received with 
more enthusiasm than in Warwick. Its results soon appeared. 
On 1 June 1689 the revived corporation resolved 'to signify 
how unreasonable they think Mr. Eed's proposals and presente 
what they shall think fitt for the speedy removall of the said 
Mr. Eeds from the church of St. Mary and from the Ereescoole.' 

On 20 August 1689 they resolved that 'Whereas by the 
neglect or ignorance of our present schoolemaster the free 
schoole here is gone much to decay, It is agreed that if Mr. 
John Hicks, or, upon his refusal, any other fitt person, to be 
approved of by the Corporacion, shall set up a Grammar 
Schoole within this Borrough, that then the said Corporacion 
will make such person as great a quarterly allowance as was 
now made annually to any Schoolemaster within the towne.' 
On 7 April 1690 two ex-mayors, Aaron Rogers and Edward 
Hunter, were ordered to attend the cause in London, which 
had been referred to the Lords Commissioners of the Great 
Seal, and on 1 July put the corporation seal to their answer 
to Mr. Eades's bill. After dragging on for a year, eventually 
the case was compromised, the result being set out in a deed of 
2 October 1690 made between the Corporation of the first 
part, Fulke, Lord Brooke, and others, aldermen, of the second 
part, and Eades of the third part. Eades having only had £50 
in three years for the three ' places ' of vicar, assistant, and 


schoolmaster, the corporation undertook to pay him £250 by 
23 April following, and to give him in future £65 a year as 
Vicar and Schoolmaster, and 40s. a year for repairs of the 
vicarage house, together with the ' Easter book ' and all bap- 
tism, marriage, and burial fees. In return the corporation 
were to be allowed to appoint whom they liked as assistant, 
and if they let Eades be his own assistant were to pay him 
£50 a year more. 

Eades seems to have thought that any one could be a 
parson, but that some learning, ability, and industry were 
required to be a schoolmaster. At all events the agree- 
ment provided that, though nominally remaining master, he 
should have nothing to do with the school. ' And also that 
he the said William Eedes shall and will from time to time 
during so long time as he shall continue Master of the said 
Free School peaceably and quietly permit and suffer such per- 
son and persons as the " Corporation or the said Trustees " 
shall nominate provide and appoint to be Usher or Ushers of 
the said Free School, and to have the sole teaching governing 
and instructing of all the children from time to time thither 
sent and to be sent, or thither resorting to be taught and 
instructed,' and also to take 'all the salaries pensions and 
profits belonging to the place of Master of the said Free School 
or of Usher or Ushers thereof or anywise arising by the said 
school.' Eades also undertook to surrender the mastership 
whenever called on to do so by the corporation or the 
trustees, and not to surrender it until called on. 

After this abdication by Eades of the mastership, the school 
seems to have gone on quietly under a succession of masters 
appointed by the corporation. Thus the accounts for 1692-3 
show £30 paid to the master and £10 paid to the usher ' of 
the free school.' But no names are given until the year 1697, 
when we find that Bernard Gilpin acted both as master and 
usher, receiving £40 a year in that double capacity, and £30 
a year more as assistant-minister. This Gilpin, who had 
inherited the name of the famous ' Apostle of the North/ who 
as rector of Houghton founded the Grammar School there 
in 1560-74, was apparently the son of Thomas Gilpin of 
Tattenhall, in Staffordshire, who matriculated at Oxford 23 


April 1686, and became B.A. in February 1690. Whether he 
may be identified with the person who was Vicar of Rushbury 
in 1692 is open to question, but he is almost certainly the 
person who became rector of Fringford, in Oxfordshire, in 
1698, as that is the year in which he ceased to be master of 
Warwick School. 

The only other school item in the accounts at the time is 
in 1693-4, when £3, 0s. 8d. was paid 'for mending the win- 
dows at the free school.' This item must represent a complete 
destruction of all the windows, probably at a ' barring-out ' of 
the master on the Christmas holidays — last vestige of the 
Saturnalia — which was always calling out the wrathful but 
ineffectual prohibitions of scholastic legislators. 

During Gilpin's time the Great Fire of Warwick occurred, 
which broke out on 5 September 1694 from a spark falling on 
one of the thatched roofs in High Street, and burned some 
250 houses. Then owing to the burning contents of some of 
the houses having been carried into the nave of St. Mary's 
Church for safety, it destroyed the nave and badly scorched 
the choir. Amongst the rest, the old school in the Market 
Place, the old St. John's Church, perished. It was probably 
owing to this that the corporation now found a new home for 
the school most appropriately in the old college, the house of 
the vicars-choral. In whose hands this had been after it was 
sold by Henry vin. to the Taverners, who clearly only bought 
it for a speculation, it does not seem possible to discover. In 
1586 it was inhabited by Robert Sheldon, 1 who was bailiff in 
1584-5. It was now bought by the corporation from Sir 
Thomas Wagstaffe of Tachbrook Mallory, in whose family it 
had been for a good many years. Among the title deeds 
handed over on the purchase was one of 3 October 1676, which 
recited an earlier deed of 9 March 1656-57 settling the 
College ' and one little house theretofore called by the name 
of the Schoole house situate at the nether end of the said 
churchyard ' — a description which, if correct, shows that this 
little building, probably the old Song School, was not then at 
all events used as a school — in trust for John Wagstaffe and 
Alice his wife, the parents apparently of Sir Thomas Wagstaffe. 

1 The Book of John Fisher, p. 193. 



The purchase-money was £300, but the seller had since the 
contract ' been prayed of his good will to abate £40 thereof.' 

l i , . ■ ... . ■ a 1 

Of the rest £83 was found by subscriptions : Lord Brooke 
giving £40, Lord Willoughby de Brooke £5, 10s., "William 
Almore, then owner of the Deanery, £20, Sir Henry Puckering, 


owner of the Priory, £10, and Bernard Gilpin, the headmaster, 
£7, 10s. The College was conveyed to the corporation 25 
March 1699, the old Song School being described in the con- 
veyance as ' at the west end of Tink-a-tang lane on the wall 
between the college garden and the garden of Elizabeth 
Heath.' Some £45 was spent on putting the College in repair, 
including £6, 19s. 9d. for a furnace for the use of the school- 
master ' and for mending the fire-hearth,' to which was added 
in 1700 a copper, while the tiling was repaired at the corpora- 
tion expense ' at the request of those gents that paid parte of 
the money that purchased the said Schoole.' But this was not 
to be a ' president future.' The old school ' on the wall ' was 
sold to Robert Heath on 17 December 1700 for £10, and 
apparently demolished. The College remained the home of 
the school for nearly 200 years. The first master to teach in 
it was Mr. John Curdworth, who, like his predecessor Gilpin, 
was also lecturer or assistant at St. Mary's. 



On 15 October 1701 'the offices of Master of the free schoole 
and lecturer of St. Mary's church being vacant by the depar- 
ture of Mr. John Curdworth, and application for both is made 
unto us the Mayor & Aldermen & Trustees of the Corporation 
by Richard Lydiate, clerke, Master of Arts and fellow of New 
Collidge in Oxford, with whose learning and other qualifica- 
tions we are fully satisfied/ they appointed him to both offices 
on 20 January 1701-2. Being a fellow of New College, which 
until 1854 was wholly confined, so far as members on the 
foundation were concerned, to boys from Winchester College, 
Lydiate had been as a matter of course a scholar of Win- 
chester, where he was admitted at the age of 12 in 1685. He 
was indeed of Wykeham's own family, being admitted as 
founder's kin, 1 as his brother had been admitted in 1683, and 
as two scions of two earlier generations had been — Richard 
Lydiat in 1635, and Thomas Lydyate, who became famous 
as a mathematician, in 1584. At Winchester Richard Lydiate 
ran rapidly up the school, and went to New College in 1689. 

He came to Warwick School in November 1701, being paid 
for 3 J quarters to Michaelmas 1702, £61, 5s. as lecturer, 
schoolmaster, and usher. The corporation appear to have 
thought him a treasure, as they made extensive repairs at the 
school on his admission. 

On 20 January they ruled 'That the Schoole master bee 
compelled to teach noe schollers but such as were or shall be 

1 At least he is described as Con. Fun., i.e. consanguineus fundatoris, in 
'Long Roll,' the school list, in 1685. But he is not so described in the 
Admission Register as printed by Mr. T. Kirby ; and being eighth on the 
roll of admissions, it would not appear that he was originally admitted as 
founder's kin. 


borne within the libertye of the said borough/ or one of whose 
parents had lived there for seven years ; i.e. the school was 
to be free only to children born in Warwick. Whether the 
corporation had any right thus to restrict the chartered 
liberty of the school is highly questionable, but there was no 
question that it was a measure demanded by the inadequacy 
of the endowment and beneficial to the school. 

On 24 February 1701-2 they offered 'if he will quitt all 
pretence to obtaine the next presentation of the church of 
Budbrooke now void by the death of Mr. Samuel Hawes,' 
they would direct Mr. William Eades ' to assign his right in 
the said school to the said Eichard Lydeate,' and would send 
' a letter of approbacion and desire to the Lord Keeper to 
appoint' him master, give him £10 'out of the publick 
revenue of the Corporation towards his charges in obtaining 
the said grant under seale,' and do all repairs to the ' house 
now called the school house in which he doth dwell,' he pay- 
ing only the window tax and the taxes to the church and poor. 
The patent under the great seal was not actually obtained 
until 1707, when Eades died, and £12 was paid by the 
corporation 'towards obtaining' it. Lydiate seems to have 
ceased to be lecturer on Midsummer Day, 1706, as after 
that date he was paid as master and usher only. This 
was no doubt because he wished to give undivided attention 
to the school, which had become a flourishing boarding- 
school. For on 15 August 1709 the corporation undertook to 
repay him whatever he paid for ' preserving three seats at the 
front of the West Gallery in the church of S. Mary, and in 
making these seats more useful for the placeing of himself 
and borders.' These galleries seem to have been at the west 
end of the nave, and must have represented accommodation 
for some 60 boys. The degeneracy of architecture is shown 
by an order on 7 February 1714 that 'the schoolhouse be 
repaired with artificiall mortar in imitacion of stonework,' the 
operation costing for three sides of the College £16, 8s. 4d., 
while new tiling cost £25. 

Most of Lydiate's pupils who went to the university went 
no doubt to Oxford, where no college unfortunately has 
recorded the schools from which undergraduates come. At 


St. John's College, Cambridge, where the schools are men- 
tioned, one boy from Warwick, William, son of John Radcliff, 
a minor canon of Westminster, admitted 20 June 1717, at the 
age of 19, is recorded as having come from Warwick School 
' under Mr. Lydiatt.' He was no doubt a boarder, and had 
used the school as a finishing school, having only been there 
for 1J years. 

The regard in which the school was held in Lydiate's time 
may perhaps be estimated by the great benefaction which it 
received in his time, and which in after years proved its 
salvation in face of the neglect of the Town Council and the 
senility of successive masters. This was the Exhibition 
Foundation of Fulke Weale, a woollen-draper by trade, whose 
name figures prominently in the Corporation Records. 

By will 1 February 1729 he gave the whole residue of his 
personal estate to five trustees to be laid out in lands, the income 
of which was to go ' towards the maintenance and education 
of two young men at a time, natives of Warwick, and in default 
of such natives, then to one or two other boys in some of the 
Universities at Oxford for the space of 7 years ; which young 
men should be such as should be bred up in the Free School 
at Warwick till they attained the age of 17 years, and as 
should be qualified and recommended fit to be sent to the 
University, and approved of as so qualified by the Fellows.' 
1 Universities ' was of course a slip of the pen for Colleges. 
The gift shows that the school was in the habit of contributing 
undergraduates to the universities. A sum of £1000, paid 
over by Weale's executors in 1734, was spent in buying an 
estate at Hampton-Curlieu, or Hampton-on-the-Hill in Bud- 
brooke, close to Warwick, containing in 1827 a little more 
than 108 acres. Another £1000 paid over in 1742 was laid 
out in another estate at Langley, containing 90 acres and a 
rood, and was conveyed to the trustees 16 April 1755. It is 
amazing to see the growth of the increment on those estates. 
In 1780 they were let at £60 and £40. In 1803 at £90 and 
£74, and in 1868 at £113 and £90; while other profits and 
accumulations had added a sum of nearly £1500 to the 
endowment. The Exhibitions went up in value from £35 
before 1803 to £65 in 1803, in 1819 to £70, and then to £80. 

The Cloister at the Old School, formerly the College of 

Vicars Choral. 


On 23 June 1730 the corporation repaired the schoolroom 
' as a matter of favour requested by the Eev. Mr. Lydiate, the 
present Schoolmaster, and not looked upon as that the Cor- 
poration is obliged to repair or keep in repair the same ' — a 
monstrous disclaimer of their obvious duty. 

Six months afterwards, Lydiate's long tenure of the master- 
ship ended. The register of St. Mary's records his burial 
14 December 1730, when 10s. was paid 'for the Rev. Richard 
Lydiat's knell/ and 6s. 8d. ' for breaking the ground in the 
church ' for his grave. 

At his death Harry succeeded Harry. For Francis Lydiat, 
the second of three sons who all, in virtue of their kinship to 
the founder, had been scholars of Winchester and fellows of 
New College, took over his father's office. Francis Lydiat 
was baptized in St. Mary's, Warwick, on 30th April 1709, 
and admitted to St. Mary's, Winchester, in 1724, at the age 
of 15, which was too late for any one but founder's kin. He 
must have been a clever boy, or well prepared by his father, 
as after only half a year he got into ' Sixth Book,' and next 
year was second in the school, and 'got off' to New College in 
1726. There he stayed till he became headmaster of Warwick 
on his father's death. He remained a fellow of New College 
all his life, never apparently having married. From 1743 
he was also, on the corporation's appointment, vicar of Bud- 

In 1735 the Attorney-General brought an Information in 
Chancery, at the relation of Joseph Brooks and John Phelps, 
on behalf of themselves and the rest of the inhabitants of 
Warwick, complaining of the administration of the property 
granted both by Philip and Mary and also by Henry viil, 
and especially that while the income of Henry viii.'s charity 
had for a considerable time amounted to over £700 a year, the 
corporation had never increased the stipends of the vicar and 
schoolmaster, though they had increased the mayor's salary 
from £20 to £60, but had wasted the money on themselves 
and their minor officers and* in building magnificent build- 
ings.' The defendants answered that they had increased the 
mayor's salary ' in consideration of his making a treat on being 
sworn,' which was necessary 'to support the dignity of his 


office/ and that they did not know whether the decree in 
Charles n/s reign ' intended the other stipends to be increased'; 
that the new schoolhouse costing £2030 was beneficial, and 
that taking fines or ' aforehand rents ' on leases was also bene- 
ficial. On 20 May 1737, in a judgment which had the honour 
of being reported as Attorney -General v. Mayor, etc., of Warwick 
in West. temp. Hardwicke, 55-8, Lord Hardwicke dismissed 
the suit so far as concerned the ■ corporation ' property under 
Philip and Mary's charter, but declared the property under 
Henry vin.'s charter to be a charity, and directed accounts for 
ten years, and the master to report what was to be done for the 
future. On 17 July 1738 the master reported, disallowing the 
increase of the mayor's stipend to £60 but allowing £30, and re- 
commending an increase of stipends : for the vicar from £60 to 
£80, for the assistant to £40, the vicar of St. Nicholas to £60, 
and of Budbrooke to £31. 18s. ; while the schoolmaster was 
increased to £40 and the usher to £12, which with augmenta- 
tions to the clerk and sexton amounted to £300, less than half 
the income; the rest, or £314 a year, to go to repairs of 
St. Mary's, apprenticing, doles, the bridge, and ■ other religious, 
good and charitable purposes,' as the corporation should think 
fit. The report was varied on some unimportant particulars 
by order of the court of 31 October 1739, and the costs, £931, 
ordered to be paid by the corporation. It was not till 
8 October 1742 that the costs were paid, and then only when 
the estates were sequestrated. 

Francis Lydiat was master for 32 years. The eighteenth 
century everywhere was the age of long masterships. Warwick 
was no exception. It had only five headmasters between 1700 
and 1875. In the absence of records we know absolutely 
nothing of Francis Lydiat's mastership, except that, in the 
decadence of later days, it was looked back to as a golden age. 
He was buried in St. Mary's 27 May 1762. The Commis- 
sioners of Inquiry concerning Charities, a roving commission 
which preceded the present permanent Charity Commission, 
reported in 1827 l that 'in the time of his (Mr. Roberts') pre- 
decessors it is stated to have been a flourishing school, both 
for boarders and foundation-boys.' 

1 C. C. R., xvii. 487. 


The Eev. James Eoberts, who succeeded, was the son of a 
country parson in Gloucestershire. He was a Bible clerk at 
All Souls College, matriculating in 1749, and taking his B.A. 
degree in 1753. He then appears to have migrated to 
Magdalen Hall, now Hertford College, where he took his M.A. 
degree in 1762. 

We can learn very little of his reign except that it was very 
long and very unsuccessful. From 1769 he received the 
stipend of £40 a year as master and £12 a year as usher. On 
4 January 1776 the receiver of Henry vm.'s charity was 
ordered not to pay the usher's salary until there should be an 
usher. But on 4 November the same year it was proposed 
that £200 should be distributed in augmenting the stipends ; 
and accordingly, in the accounts for 1777, Mr. Coles the vicar 
received £120 a year, the vicar of St. Nicholas £90, the 
assistant at St. Mary's and the schoolmaster £60 each. Later 
entries and accounts show that from 16 July to 7 November 
1776 there was an usher in the person of the Eev. George 
Kelly. In 1778, however, the stipends reverted to the old 
scale. 1 

Great dissatisfaction seems to have existed with Mr. 
Eoberts, and 'a petition was presented by the Corporation, 
at the request of many of the inhabitants of the Borough 
of Warwick, to the Lord High Chancellor for the removal 
of the said James Eoberts from his office of Master of the 
Free Grammar School for neglect of his duty.' Eoberts filed 
a bill on his side. 

Both were dismissed, and on 16 March 1778 the corpora- 
tion had to pay Eoberts's costs, amounting to £85, 2s. 

From Michaelmas 1777 to Christmas 1778 the Eev. John 
Sanders was usher, when the Eev. M. Langherne came. In 
accordance with an order of the High Court, 27 March 1779, 
retrospective augmentations were paid to the executors of the 
late vicar and to Mr. Eoberts. The income of the charity 
then amounting to over £1200 a year, Mr. Eoberts was paid 
£75 a year, and the usher, Mr. Langherne, £30 a year, down 
to Lady Day 1790. In that year Langherne gave place to 
James Eoberts, a son of the master. Next year Eoberts, the 

1 Accounts, 1779 ; Minute, 8 July 1779. 


master, died, his widow receiving his salary up to Michaelmas 

The only evidence we have of the state of the school in his 
later years is derived from the report of Lord Brougham's 
Commission, 1 which says : ' The School seems to have fallen 
into great decay under Mr. Roberts, who had been School- 
master from the year 1763. Towards the latter part of his 
mastership there were no boarders and few, if any, free 

1 C. C. R., xvii. 487. 



On the election of Roberts's successor it must have appeared 
that happier times were in store for the school. The choice of 
the corporation reverted to a scion of the same school that 
had given them Owen and the Lydiats, whose fame was still 
green, and fell on one who had already as second master at 
R u gby> then already established as the chief school of the 
Midlands, approved himself as qualified to command success 
in the scholastic world. 

George Innes ' was descended 1 from the ancient Scottish 
family of Innes, of which the Duke of Roxburgh is the head ' : 
in after years he was domestic chaplain to the Duke. His 
father was rector of Devizes, where he was born 5 August 
1759. He was admitted a scholar of Winchester College at 
the age of eleven, in 1770, in the headmastership of the 
famous Dr. Warton, one of the few friends of Dr. Johnson 
who dared to maintain a contest on equal terms with the 
irascible sage, a brother of Tom Warton, the first historian 
of English poetry, and himself a poet and a fosterer of 
poets. By 1777 Innes was second in the school, and Prefect 
of School, Prefect of Hall being the first dignity. But instead 
of going on to New College in due course, his career was cut 
short by expulsion for the part he played in a school row, which 
ended in a riot. It is a little difficult to make out the rights 
and wrongs of the story. But it appears that one Moody, a 
big ' Inferior,' who, according to his own account, refused to 
play cards with a prefect named Western, but was afterwards 
caught playing cards with juniors during ' books chambers/ or 
preparation-time, was ' tunded ' for it by this same Western. 
According to him, a systematic course of bullying followed, in 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, cxxi. 11. 



which limes, ' tho' his tutor,' took part, by ' continual wanton 
and malevolent treatment of him.' The public feeling of the 
school was strongly against Moody, and when the father came 
up and removed his son ' 30 or 40 College boys followed ' 
them through the close throwing stones at them. Moody, 
jun., was hit on the leg, and the ' father's wig was on the 
ground which was just before in the hand of a certain boy 
named Sandby.' The Moodys took refuge in a house in the close 
and waited till the boys were dispersed. For his share in this 
riot Innes was expelled, as were Western and another boy. 
As Western and Moody were contemporaries, the alleged case 
was not one of bullying of a little boy by a big one, but, if 
anything, of ■ a fifth-form lout ' by his contemporaries who had 
gone up in the school while he remained low down. As Innes's 
expulsion was not for bullying, but for taking part in this riot 
against the Moodys, the matter was not particularly discredit- 
able to Innes. At all events, he found no difficulty in obtaining 
admission to Merton College, from whence, in 1781, he became 
demy, and in 1788 fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. He 
left Oxford on taking his B.A. degree in 1783, to become an 
assistant master at Rugby School, which was then for the first 
time taking rank as one of the ' great Public Schools,' under 
Thomas James of Eton and King's, who introduced the Eton 
system of tutors' and dames' houses. Thanks to the vast 
increase in value of its London property, the school had been 
entirely rebuilt and reorganised under an Act of Parliament of 
1777. In 1778, when James became headmaster, there were 
only 52 boys in the school, but by 1783 these were more 
than doubled, and by the end of James's time, 1794, there 
were 245 boys. In 1786 there was a rebellion at Rugby 
School, and, perhaps because of it, next year Innes became 
Second Master. 

He seems to have made his mark there. He is very favour- 
ably spoken of by one of his pupils, Charles Apperley, who, 
under the name of Nimrod, in after days wrote an account of 
the school as it was in his time. 

1 Innes was a gentleman in thought, word, and deed as well 
as an elegant scholar, and in my opinion better fitted for the 


headmastership of a large public school than James was. He 
was disposed to take much trouble with the boys in their lessons, 
and was consequently extremely strict. He only allowed three 
faults in the most difficult lessons. He had the upper fourth form 
next to the fifth and sixth, in which there were only half a dozen. 
I myself thought very highly of Innes, and certainly respected 
him more than any of the other masters, although he was so strict. 
His manner and the carriage of his person were graceful and com- 
manding ; and his taste, which he seemed to communicate to the 
boys, was acute, accurate, and elegant. I liked much to hear him 
read ; and I do not think that this accomplishment could be carried 
to a greater degree of perfection than it was by him. He was fond 
of the talent and of displaying it.' 

It was probably unfortunate for Innes that Warwick School 
fell vacant just at this time, as had he stayed two years longer 
he probably would have succeeded to the headmastership of 
Rugby. But the teterrima belli causa, in the person of Isabella, 
daughter of Captain Henry Stodart, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
seems to have led him to take the first opening that offered. 
On 10 February 1793 the Magdalen College Register records 
that ' uxore ducta sodalitio cessit.' 

At Warwick, at first, Innes seems to have enjoyed a con- 
siderable measure of success. He found only one or two day- 
boys and no boarders. During his first year the number of 
day-boys went up to nine, and remained at about that number 
for many years; for instance, in 1796 there were ten. All 
day-boys paid an entrance-fee, by ' established practice,' of 
1J guineas, and 10s. a year for warming and cleaning the 
school. But if they wanted the services of the writing usher or 
anything beyond classics, they had to pay for it. For ' perhaps 
from fifteen to twenty years ' the number of boarders was ' con- 
siderable/ Mr. Innes told the Municipal Corporation Com- 
mission of 1834 ; while the Commission of Inquiry concerning 
Charities said that ' during the early part of Mr. Innes' master- 
ship he had a flourishing seminary of private boarders.' But 
whether the number was thirty, fifty, or seventy, there is no 
indication. There was an usher — from 1792 to 1798, Mr. 
Picart; from 1798 to 1803, Mr. Steel; from 1803 to 1807, Mr. 
Robert Roe. The stipend of the usher was £100 a year, but 


of this only £30 came from the endowment ; the rest was made 
up out of the headmaster's pocket, or private pupils. 

The ' Rugby system ' of education, we are told, was followed. 
All boys were taught classics. But only those day-boys who 
chose to pay for it were taught anything more. For mathe- 
matics Innes himself had ' made a compendious form of arith- 
metic,' but he taught it to those ' only who were remarkably 
quick and attentive.' 

About 1812 Innes became a martyr to gout, and parted with 
the boarders ' at last merely because my health would not 
endure it. I was obliged to give it up.' Had there been any 
system of retiring pension he would no doubt have retired. He 
had acquired the living of Hilferton in Wiltshire in 1798. In 
1816 one of the periodical applications to Chancery for increase 
of stipends took place, when the master's pay was increased from 
£75 to £135, the vicar of St. Mary's going at the same time 
from £135 to £200. There being then no usher, no augmen- 
tation was made to the usher's pay — a somewhat slipshod way 
of doing, or rather not doing, justice. It never seems to have 
occurred to any one, not even to the Court, to suggest that a 
master who had already held office for twenty years and was 
prevented by gout from doing his duty should be pensioned 
off and a younger man put in his place. 

From this time Mr. Innes seems to have confined his efforts 
to merely teaching those day-boys who insisted on coming. 
There were ' generally not more than two or three.' 

The receiver of Henry vin.'s charity, Mr. George Cottell 
Green way, told the Municipal Commissioners of 1834 that he 
was at the school when there were only 10 boys in it. Mr. 
Innes was pressed to say whether there had been any period 
during his mastership when there was no boy. His answer 
was : ■ I do not think there has ever been such a period. I 
cannot state, but from memory I am sure there has never 
been a period in which I have not had one or two.' In 1832 
there were 15 boys. Several aldermen, professional men, and 
others testified to the attention Innes paid to the education of 
these boys. But the amount of time devoted to it was not 
excessive. The master attended regularly every day. But 
' every other day there is a half-holiday — on Monday, Wed- 

The Rev. George Innes. 

Headmastek 1792-1842. 
From picture in possession of the Vicar, Rev. Canon Rivington. 


nesday, and Friday. I enter at about a quarter or half -past 
ten, until 12 or 1 ; and in the evening from 2.45 to 3.30 to 4. 
The boys prepared all their lessons at home, and only came to 
school to say them. . . . They have every day to repeat a 
grammar lesson, and give an exercise, and to construe some- 
thing.' There was no playground. While Innes had boarders 
he gave them the garden in front of his house, which, when he 
came, was separated from the house by a wall, as a playground, 
but after the boarders were given up it was reconverted into 
a garden. 

Of the later days of Mr. Innes, we have a vivid picture in 
an account given by an old Warwickian, the Rev. James Baly, 
Archdeacon of Calcutta, and author of ' Eur- Aryan Roots/ in 
The Portcullis, the school paper, for November and December 
1900, and July 1902:— 

'In 1832, when I was eight years old, and rejoiced in the 
" sobriquet " of Stumpy, given to me by reason of my mean 
stature, I went with my father to the school to be admitted. 
I distinctly remember the childish awe which seized me as we 
entered the study, a rather dark and stuffy room, filled with 
shelves of books, handsomely bound, many of them by the 
Headmaster himself, who was very clever as an amateur in this 
matter, and upon whom my attention was soon fixed. He was 
a venerable, scholarly-looking old gentleman, a typical speci- 
men of the " old school," tall and very upright, with grey hair 
and thin whiskers. On this occasion he was seated in a large 
invalid's chair, and supported one leg upon a " rest," the foot 
encased in wraps of large dimensions, such as I had never 
seen before ; in a word, he was suffering from gout. It was 
arranged that I should commence school upon the following 
morning, and I accordingly made my way to the only entrance, 
namely, a door leading from the churchyard, where now some 
initials are to be seen, but by far the greater number have been 
erased by " the hand of time," the soft sandstone of the walls 
not being of sufficiently durable material to hand them down 
to posterity, as fondly hoped by those who carved them. A 
few stone steps led into a small court or yard, with a 
door to the right into an outer room fitted with low cup- 
boards, the tops serving for seats if required; from this 


room another door opened upon two steps, landing you in the 

'This consisted of two large rooms. The outer one was 
quite bare of furniture except a row of low cupboards, the top 
of which served as a bench for sitting, all empty and never 
used while I was at the school. The inner room was the 

' The room was very imperfectly lighted by means of one 
window placed high up, and across the wall, composed of small 
"diamond" panes of a dirty green glass, seldom, if ever, cleaned, 
and set in leaden frames ingeniously devised to exclude light ; 
and these means of obstruction were still further assisted by 
the shadows of the trees planted in the garden. Nevertheless 
some light managed to struggle through and, somewhat dimly, 
exposed to view the Headmaster's desk, very old and roomy, 
placed on a platform raised about a foot from the floor, with 
room enough for half a dozen boys to stand round the desk, 
and two rows of substantial old-fashioned oak desks along 
two walls of the room. Between the Headmaster's desk and a 
door leading to the private house, an old worm-eaten bench 
was placed in a corner, never visited by a gleam of sunshine. 

' Almost immediately after my arrival, I was most kindly 
(as in my innocence I believed) taken in hand by a big boy 
(N. T.). He inquired after my parents in tender tones, and 
told me I was a nice little chap, and " he would see after me 
all right." He then told me where I must sit, and with much 
kindness lifted me upon the bench, but no sooner was I set 
down than a piercing pain seized me in a region of the body 
neither adapted nor intended for use as a pincushion; I 
wriggled off in the best way I could, and found that pins had 
been inserted into the numerous worm-holes by the fore- 
thought of my kind patron. 

'The afternoon also brought some little sorrow and dis- 
appointment. Another boy (who came to school on the 
same day) and I were called up for Latin translation, 
for it was assumed that boys knew, or at least had a 
" smattering " of Latin before going to the " College." Our 
first exploit was one of Phsedrus' fables (^Esop's), that of 
the Frogs asking Jupiter to send to them a King of more 


intelligence and energy than was possessed by their Log, 
which was not giving satisfaction. My school - fellow, 
being one year older than I, was called upon to begin, 
and boldly led off with " fremuerunt," the frogs, "ranae/ 
croaked, naturally induced to do so by the fact of the verb 
and " frogs " both beginning with " fr." We were a little 
shocked to see the effect produced upon our reverend in- 
structor. He snatched the book from the astonished pupil 
and banged it violently upon the desk, as in pious anger and 
with loud voice he exclaimed, " Good Heavens ! what a fool ! " 
In a state bordering upon fear, I was ordered to " go on," and 
profiting by what had taken place, it only remained for me to 
construe the words the other way about. But it was too late 
to repair damages, and we were relegated to the elements for 
some time. 

' My first Latin book was called the Accidence, which had to 
be learnt by heart at home, and repeated at School ; and exer- 
cises in declining nouns, adjectives, and the conjugations of 
verbs, after the patterns given in the Accidence, had to be 
written out at home, and shown to the Headmaster in School. 
I suppose this stage must have occupied a year, or a year and 
a half. The next step was the Eton Latin Grammar, which 
was divided into four parts. (1st) "Propria quae maribus," 
teaching the genders of nouns. (2nd) "As in presenti," which 
taught the formation of the perfect tense in the four conjuga- 
tions. These two parts were written in Hexameters. The 
first began, "Propria quae maribus sunt nomina, mascula 
dicas " ; the second, " As in presenti perfectum format in-avi, 
Ut, no, nas, navi, vocito, vocitas, vocitavi." (3rd) Syntax, or the 
construction of sentences. And (4th) Prosody, which treated of 
the quantity of vowels, especially of the final vowels, whether 
long or short, by authority or position. All these treatises were 
written in Latin, and had to be learnt by heart in Latin ; but 
at the end of the book was an exact word for word translation 
of them all, which enabled the boy to know their meaning, and 
to construe them from the Latin. Sometime during the Eton 
Latin Grammar stage, we had begun on the Greek Grammar 
(though that was not so closely and carefully worked out as the 
Latin), and also been introduced to Phaedrus' Fables — the first 



really Latin book I read — but, alas ! I remember no more than 
the first line of the first fable : " Lupus et agnus forte ad eundem 
rivum venerant." This was followed by a compilation called 
" Selecta e sacris et selecta e profanis," of which I only remem- 
ber that it was badly printed on bad paper, and intolerably 
dull. It must have been about the same time that I made my 
tirst attempt at Latin poetry in the shape of nonsense verses, 
that is, Hexameter and Pentameter lines, constructed from 
words conveying no connected meaning, but so placed as to 
give the right measure and rhythm. We elder boys helped 
the younger, and rejoiced if we could find any simple enough 
to accept as a nonsense verse these two lines : 

" Praeceptor, scripsi, sed non haec carmina feci, 
Da mihi, praeceptor, verbera multa, precor." 

From nonsense verses we proceeded to sense verses, turning 
English lines, adapted to the purpose, into Latin Elegiac 
verse, by the aid of a book called Gradus ad Parnassum 
(Steps to Parnassus), containing synonyms and metaphorical 
phrases. In those days Latin poetry took the first rank. 
Latin prose was not so much thought of or studied, and I 
cannot remember any attempt at writing Latin prose under 
Mr. Innes. The highest Latin books I read were Caesar de 
hello Gallico, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Virgil's Georgics and 
jEneid. These two latter books were of the Delphin edition 
of the Classics, so called because they had been intended to 
lighten the studies of the Dauphin of France, afterwards 
Louis xv. In the margin there was a re-arrangement of the 
words in the usual order of French prose, so that the sense of 
the author was more easily understood. When that sense 
was improper, no interpretation was given (asterisks filling its 
place), in order that the mind of the young Dauphin should 
not be corrupted ! It was in this way that we first read Ovid 
and Virgil. 

' The first Greek book given us was the Anahcta Graeca 
Minora — a selection of simple and easy Greek extracts from 
various authors. Many of them were anecdotes, evidently 
collected by some Grecian Joe Miller, and all beginning with 
the words : " Scholastikos tis — a certain foolish fellow." Mr. 


Innes did his best to make us see the point of the joke, which 
an imperfect acquaintance with the Greek tongue prevented 
us from catching. I can only remember one at this distance 
of time — that of the foolish fellow who carried about with 
him, wrapped up in a cloth, the fragment of a brick, as a 
sample of the fine house he had to sell. My last Greek book 
was the Analecta Graeca Majora — more difficult extracts from 
various authors — both prose and verse. We had no help 
given us by the notes, such as are found in modern school- 
books, and the dictionaries we used then were of the most 
meagre class. Ains worth's was my Latin Dictionary, which 
was published in 1736, and my Greek Lexicon was that of 
Schrevelius. It was full of old Greek contractions, in which 
two or three letters were intertwined, after the manner of the 
modern monogram, but infinitely harder to decipher. The 
printing and the paper were simply abominable, and must 
have dated from the early part of the seventeenth century. 
My next Lexicon was Donnegan's, if I remember rightly, with 
better type and paper, and easier to make out. But its 
scholarship was poor, as an example, if I may trust my 
memory, will show : Anthropos, a man, was derived from ana 
— up, trepo — to turn, and ops — a face, which conveyed the 
meaning that man was so called, as the animal who turned 
his face upwards ! 1 

' To read English and know English grammar was not in the 
programme. Neither were modern or ancient history, geo- 
graphy, geometry, or any modern language. 

' Such was the education given at Warwick School during 
my six years' attendance, from 1832 to 1838. It must not be 
supposed that we received no education in the items of writing, 
arithmetic, and reading English. But we had to go elsewhere 
for it, to the master of the Bablake School, held in St. Peter's 
Chapel, then East Gate, from 8.30 to 9, and again from 12 to 
1, his disengaged hours. Here we learnt to read English, each 
boy reading portions of one of " Steven's Daily Reflections " for 

1 The reverend archdeacon's memory here wrongs Innes and Donnegan. 
I have the Donnegan's Lexicon which my father used at Rugby at about 
this date — 2nd edition, 1831 — and find that Donnegan mentions the deriva- 
tion only to reject it as absurd. 


every day of the year. It was a dreadfully dull and much 
self-repeating book, written by a pious German pastor or pro- 
fessor. As far as I can remember, this was all the English 
reading I had in school. In arithmetic I went as far as Rule 
of Three, and I acquired a good handwriting, of which, even 
now, I am not ashamed. Our religious instruction in school 
began and ended with writing out, and learning on Saturday, 
the following Sunday's Collect. 

'When I went to the school there were only 13 boys, and 
during my six years' stay there were never more than 18. 

' Mr. Innes was an exceedingly kind and gentle old man. 
When he met us in the street he not infrequently treated us 
to a Bath bun, or gave us the coppers to treat ourselves, at 
the then well-known confectioner's shop kept by Miss Harriss, 
a Quaker lady. His severest punishment was pulling our 
hair on the tender skin just over the ear, and his worst re- 
proach was to call us " little varlets." When I first came to 
the school, he used to take clerical work at Budbrooke, if I 
remember rightly. He was much troubled with gout in his 
later years, and had to discontinue this. He would occasion- 
ally hear the small boys their declensions or conjugations. 
During this he would secure a small lock of the hair between 
his thumb and forefinger, so that he could at once, upon hear- 
ing a false quantity or a wrong pronunciation, apply the 
torture very effectually, as he said in a kindly voice, but too 
slowly for us, " You foolish boy ! You stupid boy ! " screwing 
up the hair all the time with a cunning peculiar to himself. 
When the attacks of gout came on, a message came from him 
that he would hear our lessons in his study, which we rather 
liked, as we sat on chairs — square, horse-haired, mahogany 
chairs, after the fashion of the day — and amused ourselves 
by looking at the pictures, and the walls covered with books, 
and a huge violoncello standing in the corner. Bookbinding 
and playing the violoncello were his hobbies ; the latter was 
rather solemn and mournful in sound as it reached the school, 
but his bookbinding was excellent. 

1 At other times he would say, " Boys, I will hear you your 
lessons to-morrow " ; and our delight was great as we quietly 
left the study. The small boys' instruction became beauti- 




p— I 












r 1 







fully less. There was nothing approaching a fixed time for 
lessons, though we were expected to be in attendance in case 
we were called up. There was no assistant-master until the 
last two or three years of Mr. Innes' headmastership, when 
the Rev. Arthur Gem was appointed ; and from that time the 
greater part of the school work was conducted by him, and 
more was done. Our recognised hours of work were as 
follows: from 10.30 to 11.15 or 11.30 A.M. every day of the 
week, and from 2.30 to 3.15 p.m. on Monday, Wednesday, and 
Friday. The other three days were half-holidays. Very 
frequently we were not called in for work before 1 1 a.m. and 
3 p.m., so that, as will be seen, there was plenty of time left 
for play — nearly half an hour before, and more than half an 
hour after, school, both morning and afternoon.' 

So much for the work. Of the play of his time the Arch- 
deacon gives an account, which will be amazing to the present 
generation, with its ample meads. 

1 Our games depended upon the weather, and the unwritten 
law regulating the succession of games ; for marbles, tops, and 
hoops had then each its proper season year by year. 

' The churchyard was the only available space for play, the 
school playground having been for many years confiscated for 
the headmaster's kitchen garden, where luscious apples and 
plums swung high above our heads, or waved in the distance, 
a sight too tempting at times for thirsty boys to endure. 
Occasional raids were made into, what appeared to us 
youngsters, inaccessible heights, as we stood by and wondered 
how they would fare in the " coming down," for good " bags " 
were not always made, and escape now and then was cut off 
or delayed. If the master was gouty, he employed a gardener 
who was not, neither was he altogether ignorant of the ways 
of boys on apples intent ; indeed, he seemed to know more 
than the boys themselves, who, on these occasions, appeared 
to have their powers of observation somewhat blunted ; know- 
ing well, that if not so afflicted, a much heavier affliction at 
the hands of the " big chaps " would most certainly have to be 

' In the absence of regular games there were of course irre- 
gular ones. A very favourite pastime of the " elders " was to 


make two youngsters challenge each other to fight. This 
entertainment was always carried on in the small court or 
yard, where privet bushes were planted to conceal certain 
necessary buildings from view. When preliminary arrange- 
ments had been made, our "Patrons" proceeded to turn up 
our trousers above the knees and supply us with twigs of 
efficient substance to " bite well " ; with these we lashed into 
each other's "calves," fresh twigs being provided as required to 
replace the broken ones. The " winner " usually had to tackle 
another boy, and so on until he was dubbed " cock of the walk," 
a title of which we were proud. 

' With respect to the flat and steeple races which formed 
a considerable portion of our games, it should be explained 
that there were not any iron railings round the churchyard, 
as now, but a substantial and much lower wooden rail, armed 
with spikes inserted some six inches apart. Where access 
into the churchyard was required, of course these were much 
in the way, and had to be removed by the aid of paving 
stones and much patience, for the operation was often dis- 
turbed by the " existing powers," and we had to " cut and run." 
These spikes, in course of time, became conspicuously absent, 
especially at the starting-place for flat races, viz. " Brooke's 
Tomb," and again opposite to the entrance of the "Tink-a- 
Tank " Lane, where the finish took place. For a considerable 
distance opposite to the entrance of the school a spike was 
not to be seen, for comfortable seats were necessary for the 
" out-door parliament " which sat to discuss and arrange the 
details of daily play. It was the fashion of the day to protect 
the mounds over the graves with two briars placed from end 
to end and three across, a most objectionable and pernicious 
practice from our point of view, because they caught the feet 
and landed the victim sprawling and completely "winded" upon 
the next grave, or led to the necessity of dodging between 
and thus making the " course " much longer. Some years after 
1842 this racing track was plainly visible. The steeple races 
were run on the gravel path, the jumps were briars " borrowed " 
from the graves and held across by small boys, who as a rule 
were not allowed to join in this higher class of racing, for 
which, for the most part, only big boys entered. 


'Notwithstanding this the stakes were small, money was 
scarce, and many "heats" were demanded before they were 
paid over. 

' Both single races, and what were called jockeying races, in 
which a bigger boy held the jacket, tightly buttoned, of a 
smaller boy, and lifted him up or pushed him on to increase 
his speed. Our races were held in the churchyard walk with 
longer or shorter courses. The longest course went all round, 
starting from the college doors, through the walk, into Church 
Street, then under the tower of St. Mary's Church, re-entering 
the churchyard by the Sheep Street Gate, back to the college 
door, or to the Tinkertank Gate, the gate of the narrow lane 
leading just outside the churchyard from the Butts to Market 
Street, as the winning-post. The half-course was from Sheep 
Street, now Northgate Street, Gate. The quarter-course from 
Mr. Boudier's (the then Vicar's) gate to the Tinkertank Gate, 
as winning-post. By way of change we had occasional steeple- 
chases over the graves and tombstones of the churchyard, or 
played " Prisoners' base " or " I spy, catch, and carry " among 
them. I am ashamed now to tell the tale, but so it was, we 
did not think it wicked or unseemly ; at least they never told 
us, either cleric or lay. There was only one man who troubled 
us, one Thomas Hadley, the son of the old sexton, whom I 
afterwards learned to know as a most respectable man ; but we 
teased him at his work, and perhaps now and then interfered 
with his tools or hid them, which caused the relations between 
us to be strained, and he would sometimes pursue us angrily 
and attack us from the rear with the back of his spade as we 
retreated. Another favourite occupation was " party-fighting," 
carried on also in the churchyard walk; each party carried 
switches cut from the lime-trees that were planted close by 
its side. In this we hurt ourselves far less than the trees, 
though we charged each other time after time most fiercely 
as long as a switch was left unbroken. Sometimes ill blood 
arose between us and the " Boblic " schoolboys — so the word 
was then pronounced and spelt, but I have learned since that 
Bablake is the correct form. These boys, clad in their blue 
coats and orange breeches, came from the Charity School over 
the Eastgate, and marching through the Tinkertank, halted at 


its gate. We of the college stood ready for them on the other 
side of the gate. They were many, and we were few. We 
looked severely at them, and they at us, but neither party 
passed through the gate. The thought, I well remember, 
passed through my mind that, if they did come through, we 
should get the worst of it. However, they did not; and 
after mutual threats of what we could do to one another, 
and, with much unseemly language, each party drew off 

* Our familiarity with the churchyard by day did not, how- 
ever, make us less afraid of it by night. I don't think the 
boldest among us would have cared to walk through it on a 
dark night. The east side of the church was regarded as a 
very uncanny position, particularly at night, and we thought 
that all the graves in the extreme east corner of the 
churchyard were those of suicides and murderers. The crypt, 
or charnel-house under the chancel, more commonly called 
the bonehouse, was also a thought of terror. 

1 While not contending that the parish churchyard is a fit 
and proper place for a playground, it may be said that certain 
experiences were to be learned there which the modern play- 
ground does not afford. For example, we picked up the art 
of making whistles from the branches of the lime-trees, and 
here and there a genius was found who succeeded in playing 
the semblance of a tune so that it could be recognised in 
places by the aid of a lively imagination. 

' We also had frequent opportunities of perfecting ourselves 
in the art of climbing and seeking temporary safety in the 
branches from our enemies, as Charles n. did in the oak to 
evade his pursuers. We acquired, too, a slight and crude 
knowledge of osteology by handling quantities of bones which 
were thrown out when graves were dug ; perhaps we did not 
regard them so much from a scientific point of view, but 
rather as convenient projectiles for throwing at the grave- 
digger when well down in his work. With him a chronic, 
natural feud seemed to exist, not without cause on his part. 
When we pelted him with the bones which he had 
" spaded " out, it was " awful " to hear anathemas of a most 
personal character emerge from the earth, accompanied by 


promises of such a dreadful nature, as he shouted " Oh ! I 
know who you be," etc. 

' Of course we had other places for other games. " Bandy ' 
was played in the road by the " Pigwells," or in the lower part 
of the Butts; peg-top, whip-top, duck-stone, rounders, hoop 
(tournaments and races), marbles, leap-frog, prisoners' base, 
one off all off, pitch-button, had their appointed localities in 
the streets. The market-place was naturally most in favour, 
on account of its larger area and the greater number of open- 
ings it afforded for escape when needed. In wet weather 
the games of batfives, battledore and shuttlecock, "baste 
the bear," and "puss in the corner," were played in the large 
empty outer room of the school. We varied these occasionally 
by treating Mr. Innes' desk as a citadel, held by one party 
and fiercely attacked by another. Of course this, being 
attended by some degree of noise, was only possible when 
he was confined to his study by an attack of gout, and 
poor Mrs. Innes would send a servant, or sometimes come 
herself, to "beg the young gentlemen not to make such a 
noise." This made us feel somewhat ashamed, and we 
went outside to the college door into the churchyard, which, 
from within, we defended against the enemy attacking us 
from without, with much pushing and pummelling until one 
gave in. 

' The " Burgesses " of the ancient borough exercfsed very 
much forbearance, for the noise which accompanied our games 
must have been a veritable and very considerable affliction. 
We were in blissful ignorance of all bye-laws, if they existed 
at all, and no police patrolled the streets. " Old Bellerby," the 
chief of the watchmen, exercised a feeble and theoretical terror 
over us, but, poor man ! he was dropsical, desperately short of 
breath, and utterly unable to pursue ; he was therefore satisfied 
to " let us off easy " upon the distinct understanding that if he 
caught us up to any tricks he would " tweak our ears well," 
a remote contingency which did not interfere with our peace 
of mind. 

'One opening for amusement and enterprise which then 
existed is now closed. A great number of stage-coaches passed 
through the town, and we eagerly cultivated an acquaintance 


with coachmen and guards, who frequently let us "get up 
behind " and have a ride, a treat greatly appreciated and 
sought after. They were jolly fellows, good-humoured and 
cheerful as a rule, and told us many a tale. 

1 Thus things passed on, but it was not to last much longer ; 
for on our way to school one morning, in July 1842, we 
were told our old master was dead.' 

Innes's wife had died, 5 October 1841, aged seventy-three, 
and he was not long in following her. 

An obituary notice in the Gentleman's Magazine probably 
recalls the Innes of his prime when it spoke of his ' extensive 
and accurate learning ; the happy facility of imparting which 
is well remembered by many who had the advantage of 
benefiting by his instruction. Combining a fine taste and 
correct judgment with conversational powers of the highest 
order, he was a most intellectual and agreeable companion.' 
On the east wall of the north transept of St. Mary's a tablet 
records that 

'Near this place repose the mortal remains of the 
Rev. George Innes, M.A., 50 years Master of King 
Henry vrn.'s School at the College in this town, who 
died the 17th of July 1842 in his 83rd year. 

'An accomplished scholar and gentleman, to strict 
integrity and independence of character, he united 
Christian simplicity, humility, and love. 

'She who alone survives of those who best knew his 
worth has erected this tablet to his memory.' 

The 'she' was his daughter, Mrs. Harris. Her father's 
memory was further honoured when, in 1876, the westernmost 
window on the north side of the chancel was filled with glass 
painted by himself, ' the gift of George Harris, Esq., barrister- 
at-law, of Iscliffe Manor, Southall, in memory of his father- 
in-law the late Rev. George Innes and of Mrs. Innes.' An 
inscription below records that George Harris, LL.D., F.S.A., 
pinxit et donavit. 

The only pupil of Mr. Innes's earlier days known to fame 
is Serjeant Adams, who is said by Innes's successor to have 


been under him. 1 If so, it could have been only for a year, 
till he went, perhaps owing to Innes's connection, to Win- 
chester. He wrote a law-book noted in its day, Adams on 
Ejectment, and deserved fame for the ameliorations of law and 
practice which he introduced, through his influence as Chair- 
man of Middlesex Quarter Sessions, into prison discipline, the 
treatment of juvenile criminals, and especially in regard to 
lunatics. But Warwick can claim but little part in him. 

Towards the end of Innes's time, on 28 November 1833, 
one of the periodical applications to Chancery for increase of 
stipends took place. Two years later, 27 November 1835, 
the case was referred to A. H. Lynch, a Master in Chancery, 
to report, which he did another year later, 12 November 
1838. The income of the charity was then found to amount 
to £2761, 14s. 9d., of which the original beneficiaries received 
£850, 10s. ; repairs, including the churches, £522 ; and the rest 
went to the lighting and watching of the town — in other words, 
to save rates — a result certainly not contemplated by the 
founder of the charity. As regards the school the Master 
reported ' that the Free Grammar School is in an inefficient 
state in consequence of the limited system of instruction, 
caused by the advanced age of the master and other causes, 
and it would be a most important benefit to the Borough if 
the said School could be rendered more generally useful to the 
Inhabitants ; that the buildings require repair and alteration 
for such purposes, and additional salaries would be necessary 
to masters in order to extend the system of education/ and 
1 that when there should be sufficient funds the Schoolhouse 
should be taken down and rebuilt ' ; such care had the Court 
of Chancery for a picturesque building five hundred years old. 
He also recommended a scheme for the school. The clergy's 
stipends were increased : the vicar from £250 to £280 ; the 
Vicar of St. Nicholas from £200 to £220, and the assistant 
from £105 to £120. The schoolmaster and usher were left 
out in the cold. 

1 Warwickshire Worthies, p. 1, says that he was at Uppingham and at 
Winchester, ' where he remained only a short time in consequence of ill- 
health.' But the Winchester Long Rolls show him there as a commoner from 
1793 to 1798. 


Meanwhile the Municipal Corporations Act, 1835, just at 
the moment when by being made really representative and 
public bodies the municipalities had become more fit to be 
trusted with administrative powers, divested them of the 
trusteeship of charities including schools. By an order of 
Court, 19 October 1836, a body of municipal charity trustees 
was appointed, to manage the school as well as the other 
charities of the town. 

After three years' more delay, Mr. limes having then died, 
by an order of the Court of 25 November 1842, the case 
was again referred to Master Lynch to prepare a scheme for 
the school, ' adding instruction in commercial and general 
education to instruction in grammar and other learning fit 
to be taught in a Grammar School.' 

Nearly two years more elapsed before the Master made his 
report, 11 July 1844. He then found that the Lord 
Chancellor had appointed the Rev. Herbert Hill, headmaster, 
and that the trustees instead of, like Vandals, pulling down 
the ancient college, had spent £1503 on repairing and altering 
it. It is strange that it never seems to have occurred to 
either the trustees or the Court that if the school was to 
become really successful it needed not only new buildings but 
a greatly enlarged site, though if they had given any atten- 
tion to the cause of the extraordinary development of not 
only Eton but the more modern foundations of Rugby and 
Harrow, and the decline of Westminster and Charterhouse, 
they would have perceived that it was not only activity and 
ability in the headmaster but the enlargement of boundaries 
and the extension of its playing fields and its schoolrooms 
that make and mar a school. It may be still true as of old 
that men not walls make a city, but unless the men have an 
ample city in which to labour their strength is spent in vain. 
It took the experience of another thirty years to teach this 
lesson to Warwick. 

Meanwhile Master Lynch very properly made one material 
extension. He found that £300 a year, the endowment recom- 
mended in the Court's order of 25 November 1842 as sufficient 
for the school, was insufficient, and that the tuition fees must 
be increased. 


His scheme accordingly provided for a governing body, con- 
sisting of the Earl of Warwick, the Mayor, and the Recorder 
ex officio, two nominees of the Town Council, and two of 
the Municipal Charity Trustees. The charity estate was, 
besides keeping the college in repair, to contribute £310, 10s. 
a year, viz. for the Headmaster, £200; Under-master, £100 ; 
Writing-master, £50 ; French master, £50 ; Examiner's fee, 
£10, 10s. 

The tuition fees were to be £4, 4s. a year — a totally in- 
adequate amount — for sons of resident householders in the 
borough, £7, 7s. for residents in the borough not children of 
inhabitants, and £10, 10s. a year for outsiders. This was a 
most unfortunate distinction, tending to keep out the outsiders 
and thereby to stunt the growth and limit the numbers of the 
school, though the more who could be induced to flock into it, 
the greater the benefit to the inhabitants of the borough by 
increasing the efficiency of the school. But it took another 
generation and a special commission to discover a truth which, 
like the doctrine of Free Trade, appears at first sight to be a 
paradox, and only by a wide experience is seen to be a truism. 
Of the fees, after deduction of £10, 10s. for prizes, one-fifth went 
to the under-master, another fifth to the commercial or writing- 
master, and the rest to the headmaster. By a curious and 
inconsistent provision the headmaster was now bound to be 
what he had never been bound to be before — in holy orders ; 
while both he and the usher were, at the same time, forbidden 
to do what they had almost invariably done in the past, 
because they could not have lived without it — namely, hold an 
ecclesiastical appointment with cure of souls. The prohibi- 
tion did not extend to any benefice from which they could get 
licence of non-residence, nor to ' any lectureship, chaplaincy, 
or other appointment the duties of which will not interfere 
with' taking the boys to church on Sunday. The Court of 
Chancery was beginning to discover that schoolmastering is a 
profession which demands a whole man and not half a man, 
though they had not discovered that the teaching profession 
is not a branch of the clerical profession. Still it was some- 
thing that Chancery had, in 1842, advanced to forbidding the 
combination of a living with the mastership. 


Express recognition was given by the scheme to the head- 
master's taking boarders ; but they were limited in number to 
thirty. No doubt this was as large, and perhaps a larger 
number than the old college could conveniently hold. But 
the limitation was a mistake as discouraging the system of 
separate masters' houses, by which alone a school like Warwick 
could hope to be permanently filled. 

The scheme was approved by the Court, and took effect 
from 14 January 1845, not quite ten years after the initia- 
tion of proceedings. 

But long before that all the reforms which it directed had 
been in fact introduced, and were in full working order. 



In the Rev. Herbert Hill, whom the Lord Chancellor had 
chosen to preside over the reconstituted school, Warwick 
again found in its headmaster one who, like his predecessor, 
had been a Rugby master and a Winchester boy. 

In his later years Innes had found a deputy, Mr. Arthur 
Gem, to teach the school for him, and there were some seven- 
teen boys under him. Lord Warwick tried to procure Gem's 
election to the headmastership. ' But,' says Mr. Hill, * some 
county pressure, Shirley and Mordaunt, prevailed for me, and 
so I was appointed.' 

Hill's father was Chancellor of Hereford Cathedral and 
rector of Streatham, near London, where he was born, 8 
December 1810. At the age of thirteen, in 1823, he was 
admitted, together with his younger brother Errol, a scholar of 
Winchester College. It is strange to think that Hill, who 
was superannuated as headmaster of Warwick in 1876, was 
contemporary in age and two years junior in admission to the 
school with J. E. Sewell, who died in harness as warden of 
New College only in 1904. Hill was elected a scholar at New 
College, where he matriculated 11 April 1829, 1 and in due 
time became a full fellow. 

In 1833 Hill removed to Rugby, where he apparently set 
up some sort of preparatory school. 

Dr. Arnold was then in the height of his fame as head- 
master. He wrote to Mr. Serjeant, afterwards Justice, 
Coleridge, 2 October 23, 1833 : ' I saw Southey once at Keswick 

1 Mr. T. Kirby's Winchester Scholars makes Hill a fellow in 1828. But 
that is a mistake. A scholar did not become a fellow till two years after his 

2 Life of Thomas Arnold, by A. P. (Dean) Stanley, i. 267. 



and had a very friendly interview. His cousin, Herbert Hill, 
is now the tutor to my own boys. He lives in Rugby, and 
the boys go to him every day to their great benefit. He is 
a fellow of New College, and it rejoices me to talk over 
Winchester recollections together.' 

Arnold has, thanks to the vates sacer whom he found in the 
author of Tom Brown's Schooldays, attained a fame, the right 
to which he would himself have been the first to disclaim, as 
the real creator of Rugby as a great public school, and the 
inventor of the public school ideal of a gentleman and a 
scholar. Nothing is more certain than that, as we have already 
seen, James first elevated Rugby to ' public school ' rank, and 
that Wooll, Arnold's predecessor, and like him a Wykehamist, 
had made it one of the largest public schools in the kingdom ; 
while as for Arnold's ideal of a Christian and a gentleman, 
and his system of trusting to the honour of the boys, any one 
who has studied the subject knows, and indeed he himself 
professed, that he was merely carrying to Rugby the spirit 
and the methods of Dr. Goddard at Winchester. How much, 
in fact, Arnold was influenced by his own experience at 
Winchester is shown by his first notable action at Rugby, 
being a deliberate reduction of the numbers from the four 
hundred of Dr. Wooll's time to some 250, by the extrusion 
and exclusion of the undesirable. This was a conscious imita- 
tion of the mistaken rule, founded entirely on the accidental 
circumstance of the circumscribed area of the school site, 
which then, and for nearly fifty years more, limited Win- 
chester to 200. Its one merit was that it enabled the head- 
master to pick and choose whom he should admit, and 
rendered it easy to turn out those who were found amiss. 
But such picking and choosing is but a haphazard method 
among boys of ten or eleven, the usual age for going to a 
public school then, and the system of turning out is one 
requiring great tact and impartiality in the exercise. It 
broke down, in fact, at Winchester. 

Tom and Matthew Arnold, Hill's pupils, went to Winchester 
in 1836. Arnold seems to have found that the spirit and 
methods of Goddard no longer prevailed there, and they 
were soon recalled to Rugby. Hill stayed at Rugby taking 

The Rev. Herbert Hill. 
Headmaster 1843-76. 


private pupils, but became an assistant-master at Rugby 
School in 1836-37. The following letter from Arnold to 
Hill some years later, 8 May 1840, shows both the kindly 
interest he took in Hill himself, and is characteristic of 
Arnold's own breadth of view, and how much he was in 
advance of the usual classical headmasters of his time in his 
views of science as a subject of instruction in schools : — 

* I was very glad indeed to find that [names omitted] were to go 
to you, but before I heard it, I was going to send you an exhorta- 
tion, which, although you may think it needless, I will not even 
now forbear. It is that you should without fail instruct your 
pupils in the six books of Euclid at least. I am, as you know, no 
mathematician, and therefore my judgment in this matter is worth 
so much the more, because what I can do in mathematics anybody 
can do; and as I can teach the first six books of Euclid, so I am 
sure can you. Then it is a grievous pity that at your age, and 
with no greater amount of work than you now have, you should 
make up your mind to be shut out from one great department, I 
might almost say from many great departments, of human know- 
ledge. Even now I would not allow myself to say that I should 
never go on in mathematics, unlikely as it is at my age ; yet I 
always think if I were to go on a long voyage, or were in any way 
hindered from using many books, I should turn very eagerly to 
geometry and other such studies. But further, I really do think 
that with boys and young men it is not right to leave them 
in ignorance of the beginnings of physical science. It is so hard 
to begin anything in after life, and so comparatively easy to con- 
tinue what has been begun, that I think we are bound to break 
ground, as it were, into several of the mines of knowledge with 
our pupils, that the first difficulties may be overcome by them 
while there is yet a power from without to aid their own faltering 
resolution, and that so they may be enabled, if they will, to go on 
with the study hereafter. I do not think that you do a pupil full 
justice if you so entirely despise Plato's authority as to count 
geometry in education to be absolutely good for nothing. I am 
sure that you will forgive me for urging this, for I think that it 
concerns you much, and I am quite sure that you ought not to run 
the risk of losing a pupil because you will not master the six books 
of Euclid, which, after all, are not to be despised for one's very 
own solace and delight. For I do not know that Pythagoras did 



anything strange, if he sacrificed a hecatomb when he discovered 
that marvellous relation between the squares containing and sub- 
tending a right angle, which the 47th proposition of the first book 

Hill no doubt had profited by the lesson thus conveyed, 
and by contact with the broad views of Dr. Arnold, when he 
came to Warwick. Immediately on his accession all the 
reforms, which were subsequently authorised or directed by 
the Chancery Scheme in June 1845, had been introduced. He 
had at once restored to the boys the playground which Innes 
had reconverted into its original condition of a garden. The 
whole boarding accommodation was recast and improved. 
How much this was needed may be gauged from the fact, 
recorded by Mr. Hill, that one room which had four beds in 
it, and in Innes's time was rumoured to accommodate two 
boys in each bed, was only eight feet high. 

Instead of attending an hour or two a day, he devoted his 
whole time to the school and to the boys. He brought in an 
efficient Second Master, as he was now called after the fashion 
of Winchester, in the person of the Rev. William Symonds 
Newman, who, like Hill himself, was a Wykehamist, but a 
commoner there, and afterwards a fellow of Wadham College, 
Oxford. A writing and lower mathematical master, Mr. S. 
Gwinnett, and after a short time a French master, were added. 

The school quickly filled, probably beyond its real capacity, 
and the number of boys in the earliest school list now extant 
and in possession of the school, that for June 1844, is fifty- 
two. Mr. Hill used to keep a list of the town boys admitted, 
but informed one of his successors that he had lost it. 

The school was then divided into six classes ; the sixth, or 
highest, containing six boys, while the fourth, which was the 
biggest, had eleven boys. In 1847 the school was headed by 
R. C. Heath, of whom hereafter. Mr. F. H. Moore, of Warwick, 
has copies of the half-yearly lists in his time, 1854-1866. From 
1844 to 1866 the numbers ranged from 41 to 51, being gener- 
ally 50 or close on it, but never apparently exceeding 51. 
One of the lists is remarkable in being, somewhat propheti- 
cally, dated June 23, 1959, and from containing a sixth form of 
five boys, of whom the first four were Moore, F.Moore, W.Moore, 



Wm. Moore, the two first being marked as prize-winners. These 
school lists give the names of the examiners, who were almost 
invariably fellows of New College, or other Wykehamists of 
eminence. Thus in 1849 the examiner was the Rev. James 

A Comer of the Old School. 

E. Sewell, afterwards warden of New College; and in 1857 
George Ridding, then fellow of Exeter, afterwards headmaster 
of Winchester and Bishop of Southwell, who died only last 
year, 1905 ; and in 1867 it was the Rev. W. A. Spooner, then 
fellow, now warden, of New College. 

In 1848 a French master, M. Tourniere, succeeded next 


year by M. Cauville, for the first time makes his appearance. 
In 1855 there was a new Second Master in the person of 
the Rev. J. S. Boucher, to be succeeded in 1857 by the 
Rev. J. Mountague. 

In 1854 there was a movement for the improvement of the 
school, and a scheme was sent up to the Charity Commission, 
which had been created the year before by the Charitable 
Trusts Act, 1853. It was never proceeded with. But the 
movement possibly produced the new development, which 
characterises the school list in 1855. For in that year the 
school is first given in two orders : one for general work, and 
the other for mathematics and arithmetic, an arrangement 
always preserved afterwards. This innovation, and the sub- 
sequent addition in 1858 of a drawing-master, shows that 
Mr. Hill was by no means, as has sometimes been represented, 
impervious to new ideas. It is noticeable that in 1855 the 
first in the school, in both general and mathematical order, 
was J. B. Bloxidge, as he continued to be till 1858, when he 
left with a Fulke Weale Exhibition and an open scholarship 
at Exeter College. At Oxford he obtained a first class, both 
in moderations and also in final schools; and became one of 
the mainstays of the famous crammer's ' Wren's,' to which so 
many Indian civil servants owe their success. His successor 
Moore equally achieved the double distinction, as did Leeds, in 
1862, who won a scholarship at Exeter. 

There is no doubt the education given by Mr. Hill was of a 
very superior order, as the number of scholarships won at the 
universities with his small numbers, most of them day-boys, 
sufficiently testifies. It is commonly assumed in current 
talk that the relations of masters and boys were very much less 
friendly, and that less care was devoted to them, to the study 
of their conduct and character and their inner life, than is now 
the case. There is, at all events, no ground for this assump- 
tion in the case of Mr. Hill. Mr. F. H. Moore still preserves 
his old school reports, and though his modesty prevents their 
being reproduced here, extracts read from some of them show 
that the reports were signed by each master with whom the 
boy was concerned, and at least as carefully and thoroughly 
prepared as those of the present day. 


Mr. R. C. Heath contributes an interesting survey of this 
period. ' My recollection of the Rev. Herbert Hill dates from 
the first day of the opening of the school after his appoint- 
ment as headmaster. In appearance Mr. Hill was tall and 
thin, and of grave and thoughtful countenance, but he had a 
keen sense of humour, and when he smiled his face was lit up 
and transferred into a model of kindly intelligence. He had 
a habit of walking up and down the schoolroom when not 
employed with a class, and while doing so would recite quietly, 
and not always very audibly, extracts from Latin poets, prin- 
cipally Horace. He made a great point of boys learning by 
heart, and we often had to take up at examinations two or 
three books of Virgil or Horace's Odes, prepared to be called 
upon to repeat twenty lines from any part. We learned the 
books by heart piecemeal as we read them during the half 
year, and then at the examination were supposed to be able 
to repeat the whole.' 

This was an importation of the Winchester ' standing-up,' 
or repetition, as to which astounding feats of memory are 
reported. Lord Selborne, for instance, records a boy in his 
day, contemporary with Hill (1825-30), the Honourable Henry 
Butler, who took up the whole Iliad by heart, and passed well 
in it. He was famous for his heroic defence of Silistria, but 
fell in the Crimean War. The Rev. W. Tuckwell, sometimes 
dubbed ' the Radical Parson,' who frequently examined 
Warwick School, in his Winchester Fifty Years Ago, published 
in 1893, says the record in his time, just at the beginning of 
Hill's headmastership, was 1600 lines, said by H. Furneaux, 
the editor of Tacitus. There is no doubt that ' standing-up ' 
was an admirable method for instilling an intimate know- 
ledge of the classics, and has been the source of not a few apt 
quotations in debate in the House of Commons. 

' The composition every Wednesday and Saturday of some 
lines of original Latin verse also contributed largely to this 

1 Mr. Hill was a master who could maintain the discipline of 
the School without undue severity. He strove hard to 
maintain a high standard of honour amongst the boys. I well 
recollect an occasion when three or four of us were making a 


great noise in one of the schoolrooms after morning school, 
and he came in suddenly, and was satisfied with giving those 
whom he could catch a stroke with his cane. One boy, 
however, thought he had escaped through the door without 
being recognised, and on the opening of afternoon school he 
was called up before the whole school. Those who stayed and 
took their punishment had (said Mr. Hill) behaved honour- 
ably, but one boy endeavoured to escape, and so had behaved 
meanly and dishonourably, and must write out 200 lines of 

'I remained at the School till 1848. One summer the poet 
Wordsworth came to stay with Mr. Hill, and we watched with 
interest his venerable figure as he walked about the garden. 

1 The small playground attached to the School, which was 
originally part of the Deanery (now the Vicarage) was used by 
us for playing rounders, hockey, and other games, and we 
played cricket on the Saltisford Common. Mr. Hill used to 
play cricket with us occasionally, and I recollect that he was a 
hard hitter, and very genial and pleasant with the boys.' 

Mr. A. M. Kennedy, who entered the school in 1843, gives 
similar testimony. He says that Mr. Hill and Mr. Newman, 
the second master, were both extremely popular; Mr. Hill 
especially ■ was a man whom to know was to love.' ' The 
birch,' he says, was ' non-existent in my time, and the cane 
very sparingly used. Virgil and Horace occupied most of my 
time. There was any amount of learning by heart. I was 
able to repeat the first and fourth Georgics, the first and sixth 
^Eneid, the whole of Horace's Odes, Epodes, and Ars Poctica, 
and a large amount of the Epistles and Satires. Having spent 
38 years of my life as a schoolmaster, I have found this 
learning by heart of great convenience to me as a classical 
teacher. We did a considerable amount of Latin verse, one or 
two copies a week. Euripides, Sophocles, and ^Eschylus 
occupied most of our time in Greek.' 

Mr. Heath was a day-boy. Tiie following recollections of a 
boarder are contributed by Dr. Samuel Franklin Hirons of 
Trinity College, Dublin. He comes of an old Warwickshire 
family at Alcester and Snitterfield, near Stratford-on-Avon, 
and his father was headmaster of the ancient Grammar School 

R. S. Heath, Head of the School, 1847. 

Clerk to the Governors, 1875-1906. 


at Chipping Campden, Gloucestershire, of which he himself 
was a headmaster from 1862 to 1871. From 1872 to 1874 
he was Secretary of the Girls' Public Day Schools Company 
in the early days of that successful promoter of girls' schools, 
and a member of the Committee of the Women's Educational 
Union from 1871 to 1876, and for many years an Examiner of 
the College of Preceptors. He is now rector of Whatlington, 
near Battle in Sussex. 

'I was in the old College in the Butts from August 1845 to 
November 1847. It was by the advice of a cousin, Thomas 
Hirons, who practised at Warwick as a medical man for 40 
years ending with 1845, that my father sent me to Warwick 
School. He had migrated to Leamington, where he once told 
me that he well remembered that early in the 19th century 
there were only seventeen houses, all situated close to the 
church and the old Pump Eoom well ! 

'I well remember my entrance in 1845. I arrived from a 
Preparatory School. At first I was without the regulation 
round jacket and big white collar, and I had an uncomfortable 
time of it for a bit, till my friends were persuaded to arrange 
for my being properly equipped. 

'The Monthly Fairs in the Butts did not improve the 
savoury and sanitary conditions of the College, and rendered 
the Butts an unpleasant avenue from the school into the town. 

1 There were six Forms, the Sixth being the highest Form, 
and two Form rooms. In the Lower School were Forms I., 
II., and III. Forms IV., V. and VI. were in the Upper School. 
The system of marking was that used at Winchester. 

1 At the old College, I think, there was little bullying, if 
any. Fagging was in existence. I fagged for one or two 
fellows for the first two years, and I have no unpleasant 
reminiscences to record. The College was, I think, absolutely 
free from all vice, both in language and in fact : there was a 
healthy tone about the school. 

'Though in some respects not quite up to the standard of 
this more luxurious age, the food at the College was decidedly 
above the average of the general standard fifty years ago. 
The dinners were excellent, the supply plentiful, and the 


service good. There were illicit suppers. One of the fags 
was told off for a week, made every night an expedition to the 
kitchen, and brought back spoils to the Boarders' Hall for 
the bigger boys, having a share for himself for his reward. 

' I had hardly got into the Upper School when bad health 
led to my removal from Warwick. My knowledge of Hill as 
a teacher is therefore very limited, and my experience is almost 
entirely confined to my knowledge of him in the House. He 
could be severe, when severity was called for. But my 
experience of Hill is that he was always very just. I never 
knew him hasty or inconsiderate. To say that he was 
reverenced is no exaggeration.' 

We may here interpolate a description of Mrs. Hill, who at 
this time, probably, was no small attraction to the school as a 
boarding-school, in a letter from Sara Coleridge to the late 
Lord Chief Justice Coleridge. 1 

'July 1844. 
' My brother Derwent brings us an interesting account of her 
whom your parents knew and liked as Bertha Southey [Mrs. Hill]. 
The house at Warwick charming : and is fitted up frugally, but 
with taste. Bertha is now much handsomer as a matron than as 
a maid, with a Junonian figure, but the reverse of a Junonian 
port, for she inherits her mother's diffidence as well as her fine 

1 The French master Tourniere was an excellent example of 
a foreigner who understood English boys, and could keep order 
in his Form. 

' Of W. S. Newman, the second master, I had a closer 
knowledge than of any other master. He had his Form well 
in hand, kept good order without being fussy, and never failed 
to interest his boys, and to encourage them to work, while 
freeing us from all sense of being driven. He was of a happy 
and genial temperament, and never sent us away without 
having taught us something, and on most occasions much. 
He had a small printing-press in his own room, and printed 
the exercises which he regularly gave out to us. He was a 

1 Life and Correspondence of John Duke Coleridge, Lord Chief Justice of 
England, by Ernest Hartley Coleridge. London : Heiuemann, 1904. 
Vol. i. p. 151. 


good teacher of arithmetic, and looked over our work with 
great care. In the summer of 1847, the first result of the 
examination was that I and another boy came out equal for 
the arithmetic prize in the Third Form. A second paper was 
given to us, and worked with a similar result. A third paper 
had to be given in order to decide between us, and I came 
out best man, with the narrowest possible excess of marks. 

'Though our intercourse out of school with Newman was 
limited, it was pleasant. His genial manners and kindliness 
of heart won upon boys, and he was a general favourite. His 
nickname was " Billy Goat." 

1 Whatever the powers of old Gwinnett, writing and arith- 
metic master, as a writing master may have been, his arithmetic 
was not up to date. It was a relief when W. S. Newman 
undertook that teaching in the Third Form, and introduced us 
to Hind's Arithmetic, which was the text-book in our day. 
For Colenso, Barnard Smith, etc., were of later date. We were 
on one occasion puzzled over a sum which we had to do. We 
were rather afraid that Gwinnett might at last carry out his 
threat to report us to Hill ; the results of which we knew would 
be serious. Hill refused to let us go up to Gwinnett's house 
to ask about the difficulty, and essayed to solve it for us 
himself. Owing to our being thick-headed, or to Hill's not 
being clear in explaining a difficulty rather out of his line, we 
got no farther forward. What was to be done ? At last I 
was told off to proceed to Gwinnett's house. The playground 
gate was locked up for the night — there was no other legiti- 
mate outlet. Eventually I was helped up the churchyard 
wall, managed to scramble to the top, and then dropped down 
on the other side. I succeeded with Gwinnett, and got back 
to the college. I found one of the maids talking to somebody 
at the main entrance. My return was easily accomplished 
therefore, and I got back into the boarders' hall in good time 
and undiscovered. 

'Classics were the chief thing at Warwick in those days. 
The mathematical subjects were confined to arithmetic, 
algebra, and Euclid. French (not German) was taught, but 
held quite a subordinate place. Poetry, repetition of poetry, 
that is, was required, and heard by Hill. The Book of Poetry, 


published by Edwards and Hughes, London, was the text- 

1 G-eography lessons were also taken up to Hill, but I cannot 
say my knowledge of geography acquired at Warwick was 
extensive or accurate. Watts's Scripture History and Cross- 
man on the Church Catechism were text books in my date. 
Wordsworth's Greek Grammar then, I think, quite new, was 
used at the College. 

'In the play -ground at the old College the games were 
" Rounders," " Prisoners' base," " Hockey," " Tip-cat," and (I 
think) " Quoits." 

' On the Saltisford, where the prison now stands, was the 
school cricket ground. Our paid instructor was Palethorpe, 
who took considerable pains and was a good cricketer. Philip 
Newman, head of the school and brother of W. S. Newman, 
the second master, and also Hill, the head master, played with 
the school club on the Saltisford, as also sometimes did the 
Vicar's son, George Boudier, who played in the Eton and 
Cambridge elevens. Football was played there in winter. I 
remember cricket matches between Leamington College and 
Warwick. There was a little friction between the schools on 
one or two occasions. I think we rather looked upon Leam- 
ington College as an upstart affair, of only mushroom growth, 
and we were not perhaps without some feeling that our old 
Foundation (older it seems than we thought) was rather 
looked down upon by this (then) new college at Leamington. 

1 Paper-chases across country were the fashion in winter. 

1 The boarders in my time attended at St. Paul's on Sunday, 
but we hankered after St. Mary's. We used to climb the 
college wall and watch Mr. Boudier pass from his own pre- 
cincts to the church in shovel-hat, gown, gaiters, silk stock- 
ings, and silver buckles to his shoes. Mr. Boudier was a fine 
example of the older clergy. Grave, dignified and earnest, he 
had a daily service when daily services were not much in 
vogue. He was Vicar of St. Mary's, Warwick, for no less than 
57 years, 1815-1872. From the school playground, too, we 
watched the lighting up of the illuminated cross at the east 
window in the chancel of St. Mary's, and the coloured lights 
which shone through it. This cross has disappeared. When 


was it removed, and why ? On Saints' Days we did attend 
St. Mary's Church. One St. Bartholomew's day, August 24th, 
1847, when Hill was ill, and Newman was officiating else- 
where, it was reported to Hill that there had been bad 
behaviour by some of the boys during the service, and the 
usual Saint's Day half-holiday was stopped. We rather 
resented this punishment of the whole school, and dubbed the 
occasion " The Massacre of Black Bartholomew " ! 

' I must not omit to mention the " school library." The books 
were few in number, but well selected. The Waverley Novels 
were much in request, and the highest place was disputed by 
hot partisans, some of whom favoured The Talisman and others 
Ivan/we. Another popular book was The Life of Dr. Arnold of 
Rugby by his favourite pupil, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, after- 
wards Dean of Westminster. But I am afraid that what most 
attracted us was a letter written by Arnold to Herbert Hill ' 
(the letter already given) ' on Hill's repugnance to mathematics. 
Other books much sought after were Paget and Gresley's 
works, which had such a marked effect on the popular mind 
during the earlier years of the High Church revival. 

' Among boys in my time at Warwick School I especially 
call to mind Baring- Gould.' This was Sabine Baring-Gould, 
the author of books of all kinds from sermons to novels, and 
all of them readable, the most noted old Warwick boy of those 
days. But he writes that he was only there for some months 
in 1846 when he got whooping-cough, followed by chest 
delicacy, and was ordered abroad. So no reminiscences are 
forthcoming from his prolific pen. The following anecdote 
told of him by Mr. Hirons, which shows that he is still remem- 
bered at Warwick, may not be without interest. ' I had made 
the acquaintance of S. Baring-Gould before I and he came to 
Warwick. One day in the summer of 1847 Baring-Gould 
asked me to tea. I got my exeat accordingly and arrived at 
the well-known house in High Street. Baring-Gould was on 
the look-out for me, and came to the door with a rather crest- 
fallen appearance, and said, " I am very sorry, old fellow, but 
I have made a mistake. I forgot to ask leave at home first, 
and now I find there are friends there, and I can't have you 
as I hoped to do." I took the matter pleasantly. But what 


was to be done ? It was well known that I was going to 
Baring-Gould's, and I could not face the chaff which would 
have inevitably greeted me on my going back to tea in the 
Boarders' Hall, so I went across the bridge to the old Leaming- 
ton Road, got down to the river, not far from where the new 
school buildings now are, and wiled away the time till eight 
o'clock, when I went back to the school. It was late in the 
" half," and money was scarce or non-existent, and I had had 
no chance of a meal therefore. When I entered the Boarders' 
Hall it was with an empty stomach. But nobody knew what 
had happened, and my sense of dignity was unruffled. 

'A striking incident was Arthur Mackenzie's fight in the 
Butts with Boudier's " tiger." Did two old boys ever meet 
together in afterlife without this being one of the first subjects 
of inquiry ? Some years ago I had the question put to me in 
the entrance hall of the Mansion House in the city of London 
by an old Warwick boy. I have a perfect recollection of 
Arthur Mackenzie in the third form. He was a "good 
fellow," but not good at repeating lines of Ovid. Occasion- 
ally at the close of a long summer's afternoon Newman was 
" caught napping," and something of this sort went on : 
(Mackenzie loquitur) ''Quod mare non novit" ("Tell us or 
I '11 lick you "), " Quae nescit Ariona tellus " (" 1 '11 lick you 
if you don't tell me "), " Carmine currebat " (" I say, do tell 
us and I '11 treat you "), " ille " (" urn um, ah "), « ille tenebat " 
(" um um "), " aquas ! " 

1 One of my special " chums " as boarders was Montgomery. 
He and I got into trouble on one occasion. It was early in 
the "half" and money was fairly plentiful. One Wednesday 
afternoon we shirked cricket and set off to Milverton Station 
and Coventry. It was a holiday, and we were soon tired of 
the ancient city and " Peeping Tom." So we were early at 
Coventry Station, to wait there for the return train to Leam- 
ington. Montgomery remarked, u What a go it would be if 
either of our ' governors ' were to turn up and catch us here." 
Immediately afterwards the Leamington train came in and 
set down its passengers. I caught sight of my "governor' 
there with his usual white hat. We scuttled off as hard as we 
could and got down close to the pump. We were perfectly 


safe there, but the engine backed to take in water. We got 
in a funk, and hastily plunged on to the platform, where we 
landed as close as possible to my father. 

'We set back on the homeward journey with rather gloomy 
spirits. Eventually we were summoned to the dining-room. 
Hill sat jauntily on the end of the dining-table, with a rather 
amused look on his face. He told us my father had called on 
him on his way to Coventry, and asked us where we had been, 
as I was not there to see him. He never expected that we 
had been far out of bounds. When we told him the truth he 
was evidently astonished, and exclaimed, " To Coventry ! " For 
a minute or two he was thoughtful, and then said, " I don't be- 
lieve that there is any real harm in you two boys. You thought 
you would have a lark, and to do so you were disobedient and 
got out of bounds. But you can't be allowed to play tricks of 
that sort with impunity." He then gave us rather a stiff 
" imposition " and dismissed us, not a little relieved. 

1 On another occasion Burton and I went off to Leamington 
and hired two cobs and had a ride to Southam and back. A 
spill on the way, the roads being dirty, made of me rather a 
pitiable object, and we had to stay at a cottage, where I was 
hung up to dry, and eventually brushed and cleaned. On our 
return we went to the Bedford Hotel — now a bank — and 
ordered chops, etc., in a private sitting-room. When we calcu- 
lated our resources we were unable to pay the whole of the 
bill. The landlord was appealed to, and readily let the balance 
stand over. But we were ushered out of the private sitting- 
room into the coffee-room. Shortly afterwards a fine young 
man entered, who proved to be John Myttorj, junior. He 
playfully accosted myself and my friend, who were rather down 
in the mouth after our little escapade. " What is your name, 
you fellow ? " said John Mytton, junior, to me. Without wait- 
ing for an answer he put the same inquiry to my friend. 
Then he said to me, " I shall call you Edmund Ironsides, and 
this fellow shall be William Ironsides, your brother." Then 
Mytton said, " Do you fellows like oranges ? " Of course we 
liked oranges, and the bell was rung for the waiter. "Brin<? 
these fellows a shilling's worth of oranges each," was John 
Mytton, junior's, order, which was quickly obeyed, and with 


some difficulty we stowed the oranges away to take home. 
Then came another inquiry, still more opportune, " Have you 
fellows got any money ? ' : We had no hesitation in promptly 
confessing our absolute freedom from any such encumbrance. 
Mytton gave us half a sovereign each, and soon left the coffee- 
room. In high feather we summoned the landlord, paid our 
shot, hired a cab, and made off for school. We did not know 
John Mytton, junior ; he did not know us. But in a quarter 
of an hour he had, with kindness of heart doubtless, fooled 
away 22s. on two strange lads. At the time rumour said that 
for a wager he had recently ridden his horse up the hotel 
stairs to the first floor without hurting himself or the horse. 
A week or two afterwards we caught sight of John Mytton 
on horseback, and tried, not unnaturally, to attract his 
attention again, but without success. I never saw him after- 

To return to more serious matters. It may be remarked 
that Hill's interest in the boys did not stop with their leaving 
school, as the following letters to Mr. Heath, when he had gone 
to University College, London, show. The almost childish 
dread of the ungodly college, as it was considered by the 
churchmen of those days, even of Arnold's school, may provoke 
a smile. But the care shown for the moral and intellectual 
welfare of the ex-pupil witnesses that Hill shared with Arnold 
of Rugby, and had indeed drawn from the same source, Dr. 
Goddard of Winchester, the interest in and solicitude for their 
scholars, which was probably more intense and more keenly 
felt when confined to the narrower circle and smaller number 

of those days. 

'The College, Warwick, 
1 Oct. 31st [1848]. 
' My dear Heath, — . . . I naturally feel a great interest in 
your welfare, and I am unwilling to lose sight entirely of your 
progress. . . . Tell me what courses of lectures you have to 
attend, and what you think of the kind of instruction you find 
there. I hope the professors will consider that you know enough 
of such books as those we read, and will put you at once into sub- 
jects as yet new to you, such as the historians or philosophers, 
and Greek plays. 


1 There is another subject upon which 1 must venture to say 
something to you, although I fear it trenches upon delicate ground. 
The university or college to which you are attached has the 
reputation of being established upon the principle of purely secular 
instruction, religious instruction being entirely omitted. I con- 
ceive, therefore, that if any lectures on religious subjects are given, 
the attendance must be entirely voluntary, and that probably such 
lectures, if any, will consist only of explanatory comments of the 
text of Scripture. And, moreover, I suppose that the surveillance 
over the character, conduct, etc., of the young men, must be 
of the slightest possible kind. 

'Now, my dear Heath, I am not going to write an invective 
against this system . . . but I wish you to have your eyes open 
to the position in which you find yourself — afloat in what is 
a complete new world, free from the restraints of home and your 
home circle, and, what is worst of all, in an irreligious atmo- 
sphere. Probably very few of the young men attending the 
same lectures with you even profess the same form of religion, 
I mean the Church of England 1 . . . I am not very fearful of 
your falling into the excesses which weak and silly, or wild and 
ungoverned minds, are liable to in such a place as London ; . . . 
but you being (as I take it) obliged to be entirely dependent on 
yourself, under God's protection and guidance, ought carefully 
to lay down some simple rules for the support and strengthening 
of your spiritual and religious nature, and to be constant in 
acting up to them.' [He then recommends reading the Greek 
Testament, studying commentators, and so forth, as well as 
observing Sunday and going to church, and concludes] : ' I shall 
be glad to hear from you. ... I do not suppose you are like an 
acquaintance of mine whom I once heard say, " Any man who 
pretends to give me good advice, I consider an enemy at once." 
If you are, the only consequence is, that you will certainly have 
no more of it. — Believe me your sincere friend, 

'Herbert Hill.' 

A month later, 26 November, Hill wrote again : — 

'I have heard from your Greek professor, Mr. Maiden, and 
took the opportunity of mentioning that you had been my pupil, 
and that I thought you had " both the inclination and the 
power to study," so you must not be surprised if you find him 
inclined to lay heavier burdens on your shoulders, or at least to 


expect you to carry with a good grace those which he does lay on. 
Mr. Francis Newman is a person of whom I have heard a good 
deal at different times since I first went to Oxford, when he was 
in great repute as a private tutor in mathematics. I take him to 
be a man of a most acute mind. His system of pronunciation is 
probably better than what is ordinarily practised in this country, 
because all other nations, especially all those whose languages 
are derived from Latin, vote against us. But I am not inclined to 
suppose that we can attain a certain correctness : we know that our 
own language alters in sound very much in a course of compara- 
tively few years, therefore we may fairly argue that the modern 
Italians are not likely to know anything very certainly about the 
matter. Among Henry vni.'s * acts of despotism, a curious one 
was an order sent to Cambridge concerning the right mode of 
pronouncing Greek. 

' I was much gratified by your note, and I see that you have 
taken in the point which I wished to impress upon you, viz., that 
in the highest things of all you are left entirely to your own dis- 
posal and responsibility, unaided by tutors and governors, pastors 
and masters.' 

A rather remarkable proof of the estimation in which Hill 
was held was evinced when in 1856 a burglar stole his plate. 
It was replaced by subscription amongst parents and friends. 
Hill returned thanks in Latin verse, which even in a day 
which cares for none of such things, may bear reproduction. 


Argenteas res abstulerat latro meas ; 

Hoc damnum amici damno reparantes suo 

Plures milii dant quam quas opes amiseram. 

Lubens amicis gratias ago maximas ; 

Furi animo gratias habeo, sed non ago. 

Dono allatis empta sunt pecuniis 

Quaecunque cristam et hanc gerunt anni notam. 

H. H, Varvici. mdccclix. 

In his later days the same lassitude for a thankless task 
which had overtaken his predecessor overtook Hill. The 

1 It was not the King, but Gardiner, the reactionary bishop of Win- 
chester, who, a3 Chancellor of the University, made the order. 


present Warden of New College, the Rev. W. A. Spooner, says 
that when he examined the school in 1866, he found Mr. Hill 
' much the gentleman and scholar ; loving, gentle, refined, 
but sadly depressed.' Partly it was, no doubt, through the 
hard struggle on a house of only thirty boys, paying low fees ; 
but this was aggravated by domestic misfortune in the ill 
health of several of his large family. At last, like his predecessor 
Innes, he gave up boarders. No doubt, he ought then to have 
given up the school. Some eminent schoolmasters have 
maintained that no headmaster, however successful, should 
stay in the same school more than twenty, some say more than 
fifteen, years. It is impossible to lay down any general rule 
of this sort. One man is as full of vigour and initiative 
at sixty-five as another is at fifty. But the Chancery Scheme 
had made no provision for a pension, and rich as the charity 
had become, had limited its contribution to the school to £310 
a year. 

So a disheartened and prematurely aged man had to stay 
on and struggle with a narrow income, and premises growing 
yearly more and more out of date, and at an increasing 
disadvantage in point of accommodation compared with other 




Some people in Warwick, and particularly that patriotic ' old 
boy/ Mr. R. C. Heath, were anxious to do something for the 
improvement of the school by enlarging its resources. In 
1854, the year after the first establishment of the Charity 
Commissioners, they asked them for an inquiry with a view to 
appropriating the unused balances of Sir Thomas White's 
charity to education. This charity, which in many towns has 
proved a great boon to secondary education, has at Warwick 
been a boon so great that it almost entitles its founder to be 
regarded as a second founder of the Grammar School. No 
such idea was, however, in the mind of the founder at that 
time. Thomas White was a Reading boy who, at the age of 
twelve, was apprenticed as a merchant tailor in London, and 
amassed a fortune as a cloth maker, trading in cloth all over 
England. 1 In July 1542, before the dissolution of Warwick 
College, ' for the love he did bear to the citty and citizens of 
Coventry,' he gave the corporation of that town £1400 to buy 
lands of the monasteries then lately dissolved, from King 
Henry vm. Lands situate in Coventry itself and the neigh- 
bourhood were accordingly bought and duly granted to the cor- 
poration by letters patent of 19 July, 34 Henry vm., i.e. 1542. 
By deed of 6 July, Edward vi., 1551, 2 trusts were declared of 
these lands, then worth £70 a year, for various forms of 
charity in Coventry, until thirty years after White's death, 
when £40 a year was to be paid to the corporations of North- 
ampton, Leicester, Nottingham, and Warwick, in rotation, for 
four young men setting up in business, to have the use of the 

1 Early History of the Merchant Taylors' Company, by C. M. Clode, ii. 
99 seq. 

2 Wrongly given in C. C. R., xxviii. 172, as 1552. 



money for nine years without interest. When the income 
grew, Coventry tried to keep the increased rents for itself, but 
after long disputes and suits in Chancery, it was decreed in 
1703 that four-sevenths of the whole income was applicable to 
the five towns in rotation for loans to tradesmen, then fixed at 
£50. In 1810 the sum received by Warwick had risen 
to £706, and in 1820 to £1136. But by this time the loans 
had ceased to be much sought after, and large balances accumu- 
lated in the hands of the corporation. The Charity Commis- 
sioners' inquiry in 1854 led to nothing. The commissioners 
had not then been given the power of making schemes for 
charities, but only of certifying cases to the Courts to do so. In 
1860, scheme-making powers were conferred on the commis- 
sioners, and Henry viii.'s charities and White's soon became 
the subject of applications to them. The vicar of All Saints 
Church, built in 1859, and which, in 1861, had been made an 
ecclesiastical district, wanted a slice carved in his favour. 
The vicar and churchwardens of St. Mary's asked for £150 a 
year more towards the expenses of services. With more 
reason the Rev. John Montague, the second master, asked for 
an increase of his salary of £100 a year, which was, he 
pointed out, without a house, wholly insufficient for the main- 
tenance of an M.A. of the University, and he suggested that 
there was £17,000 of Sir Thomas White's charity lying idle, 
which would provide the means. The town council opposed 
the suggested extension of the objects of the charities to new 
ecclesiastical purposes, and it was also alleged that there was 
no surplus to meet them, the increased expense on the school 
under the scheme of 1845 having swallowed up the whole £500 
a year increment which had taken place in the income. In 
view of the conflict of interests, this agitation proved abortive. 

Seven years later the great educational movement which 
signalised the latter half of the last century, and culminated 
in the Public Schools Act, 1867; the Endowed Schools Act, 
1869; and the Elementary Education Act, 1870, produced 
many governmental inquiries and reports. 

Warwick School fell under the purview of the body com- 
monly known as the Schools Inquiry Commission, appointed 
28 December 1864 'to inquire into the education given in' 


the grammar or endowed schools, excluding the nine largest, 
which had already been included in the ' Public Schools Com- 
mission.' The Commission conducted its inquiries by means 
of twelve assistant-commissioners, who visited all the grammar 
schools in 1865-1866. 

Warwickshire schools fell to the lot of Mr. T. H. Green x of 
Balliol, the Mr. Grey of Mrs. Humphry Ward's novel, Robert 
Elsmere. He was a curious person to choose for such a pur- 
pose, as he was a dreamy metaphysician of the most misty 
school, the involutions of whose views were only equalled 
by the involutions of body and face with which they were 
delivered to puzzled undergraduates. 

In Warwick Grammar School Mr. Green found 44 boys, all 
but four being day-boys, divided into three distinct groups — 
classical, semi-classical, and English. There were 12 boys in 
each of the upper groups, and 20 in the lower. Each " group " 
was subdivided into classes. .The 12 boys in the classical 
group were split up into no less than five classes, an average 
of 2f of a boy to each class. The reporter's style is so in- 
volved that it is often hard to make out what he means. He 
says the oldest boy, who was waiting for an exhibition to go 
to Brasenose College, Oxford, ' was taught by himself. He did 
the Agamemnon and Lucretius and had entered upon trigo- 
nometry.' Careful study shows that this was not a remarkable 
instance of self-culture, but that the boy who occupied the 
sixth form in monarchical isolation received the undivided 
attention of the headmaster. The Classical group alone did 
any Mathematics beyond arithmetic. They were well advanced 
in both classics and mathematics. They also learnt French, but 
as the French had to be taught in the same room with another 
class under the second master ' teaching other things ' in ' a 
general clatter, very annoying to both masters, especially on 
winter afternoons ' (why ■ especially ' ?) ' the French lesson is 
very much thrown away.' 

The exhibitioners from the school at Oxford had mostly 
done well. In the ten years previous to 1864 two first classes 
at Oxford were included amongst its list of honours. The only 
defect which the assistant-commissioner found as regards the 

1 Schools Inquiry Commission Report, 1S6S, xv. 746. 


classical group was one it shared with the British army, that 
there was so little of it. 

The second group was divided into only two classes of six 
boys each, and was distinguished by learning Latin, but not 
Greek. They did arithmetic ' very fairly,' though they ' were 
not far advanced,' and ' satisfactorily in English Grammar and 
Analysis. They showed some want of readiness in the latter 
subject, due probably to the fact that it is not regularly 
taught, which seems a pity.' 

As to what the third group of ' English ' boys learnt, the 
reporter leaves us in unrelieved obscurity. 

The reform proposed by Mr. Green consisted in the estab- 
lishment of a ' high ' school above the Grammar School, and a 
preparatory school below it — a preposterous proposal for a 
town of under 10,000 population, which under any circum- 
stances could not provide enough boys for one really strong 
and efficient grammar school. More to the purpose were his 
recommendations for the improvement of the buildings and of 
the endowment. ' The town,' he said, ' is burdened with poor 
for whom there is no regular employment, and some of them 
are said to boast that what with charities, elections, and 
assizes (where they act as javelin-men), they have got along 
without doing a stroke of work for many years.' So he urged 
the appropriation to education of a larger share of King 
Henry vui.'s charity, 'producing about £3000 a year, which, 
after deduction of £400 a year for the Grammar School, is 
spent for purposes elsewhere met by rates,' and of White's 
charity for loans to tradesmen, pointing out that ' while £8000 
is out on loan, more than £18,000 is accumulated. It is a 
general opinion in the place that this money should be applied 
to education; and it is generally admitted that the money 
spent on doles and gratuities is at present simply mischievous.' 
He referred to the movement started in 1854. 'But nothing 
has been done. Every one seems to have been waiting for 
every one else. What is wanted here, as in similar circum- 
stances elsewhere, is an initiative from without.' 

The visit of the assistant-commissioner gave the required 
' initiative from without.' On 29 January 1867 a Committee 
of the Trustees of Henry vui.'s charity was appointed to pre- 


pare a scheme. Their report was presented and adopted 
unanimously by the Trustees on 14 August, and by the Town 
Council on 21 August, 1867. Unfortunately this committee 
was intent on what it called ' commercial education ' — though 
no one has ever defined what commercial education is, or 
succeeded in suggesting any subjects, different from those 
ordinarily taught in secondary schools, which make com- 
mercial education. They therefore rejected the idea of one 
good school which, if given adequate site, buildings, and endow- 
ments, would have met all the requirements of the borough 
and district for all classes ; and recommended two schools, a 
classical school, with, for model, Uppingham, then being de- 
veloped by Edward Thring from a country grammar school 
into a ' non-local Public School/ but with boarding fees at 
the absurdly low rate for such a school of £30 to £35 a year; 
and a commercial school ' entirely distinct.' The committee 
wisely avoided saying what the difference in the instruction 
was to be. ' It appears unnecessary to go into the details at 
the present time of the various branches of knowledge of which 
such an education would consist. Your committee believe 
that their meaning will be sufficiently understood for the pre- 
sent purpose.' They recommended the provision of ■ excellent 
buildings ' for the Grammar School ; and the application of the 
whole accumulated balances of £18,500 from Sir T. White's 
charity for this purpose. But as to other charities, the Com- 
mittee were ' not at present prepared to report that assistance 
can be obtained from any of these charities.' 

The Charity Commission were asked to frame a scheme on 
this basis. They thought it necessary to hold another inquiry 
by their inspector, Mr. Walter Skirrow. This took place on 
15 and 16 July 1868. The week before, on 7 July, a public 
meeting passed resolutions for the amalgamation of the endow- 
ments of the King's School and Sir Thomas White's charity, 
and appointed a committee, which reported in favour of apply- 
ing a whole string of charities for doles in money or in bread 
and for apprenticeship, to the support of the School. 

At the inquiry Mr. Hill wisely recanted the opinion he had 
given in favour of two schools, on the ground that it was im- 
possible to find two really good sites, and recommended rather 


one school divided into classical and modern ' sides.' He also 
suggested the ' hostel system/ which had been adopted with 
great success by Mr. Grignon at Felsted; under which the 
foundation, and not the headmaster, carries off the bulk of the 
profits on boarders, while the expense to the parents is con- 
siderably reduced. Rossall School has enlarged and endowed 
itself with fine buildings and splendid grounds entirely out of 
the profits accruing to the foundation on the hostel system. 

The effect of the public discussions on the report of the 
Schools Inquiry Commission and the anticipated revolution, 
involving Mr. Hill's retirement, had produced somewhat 
disastrous results on the school. The numbers had fallen to 
28 boys, 24 from Warwick paying 4 guineas a year, 3 from 
outside paying 10 guineas a year, and one boarder, a nephew 
of the headmaster. 

Mr. Skirrow's inquiry was unproductive, in view of the pro- 
posed Endowed Schools Act, for transferring to a new com- 
mission the powers of the Charity Commission for making 
schemes for schools. This Act, giving widely increased 
powers to the new Commission, was brought in and passed on 
1 August 1869. The trustees of Henry viii.'s charity lost no 
time. On 25 September they gave the Endowed Schools 
Commissioners notice that they would submit a scheme under 
its provisions. But as the Commission informed them that it 
was unable to give immediate attention to Warwick, it was 
not until 20 January 1872 that the trustees sent up a draft 
scheme, containing the main features of the scheme eventually 

On receipt of it the Commissioners thought it necessary 
to start with a new inquiry, the third in five years, by a new 
assistant-commissioner — this time Mr. C. H. Stanton, an old 
Rugbeian and Balliol man. 

When Mr. Stanton visited the school, in March 1872, he found 
under Mr. Hill 54 boys, all day-boys, a number as large as 
there had ever been in the school ; and, it may be added, as 
large as the number of day-boys has ever been in the splendid 
buildings of the reformed school. They were receiving, it 
was admitted, a first-rate education, a sufficient proof that 
the previous fall in numbers had not been due to any failure 


in Mr. Hill, but simply to the aversion of parents to send 
their boys to a school which was in the melting-pot. Never- 
theless, Mr. Stanton found that it was an accepted axiom in 
the town that the new order of things to be created by scheme 
should be started under a new head, and that Mr. Hill should 
be retired. 

The scheme, as published by the Commissioners on 18 
January 1873, provided for three schools: a Grammar School 
for 250 boys, including 70 boarders; a Middle School for 
100 boys; a Girls' School for 80 girls. 

The Grammar School was to be what was called 'second 
grade,' that is, for boys of 8 to 17 years of age. The usual 
subjects, languages, including Latin, mathematics, and science, 
were to be taught, for tuition fees of £6 to £12 a year ; but to 
prevent its being too classical a school, it was provided that 
1 Greek shall not form a part of the prescribed course of in- 
struction, but may be taught as an extra at not less than £3 
a year.' The boarding fee, apart from tuition, was fixed at 
£35 a year. The Fulke Weale exhibitions, £50 a year, were 
to be attached to it, but were limited, in the first instance, to 
residents in Warwick, and in the second to inhabitants of 
Warwickshire. £10,000 was allotted for new buildings, and 
£800 a year for maintenance. 

The Middle School was to be what was called ' third grade,' 
or what we should now call ' higher elementary.' The upward 
limit of age was to be 15, and the fees £2 to £4 a year. Latin 
or French, not both, were to be taught ; Greek, of course, ex- 
cluded. It was to be a day-school only. £2000 was assigned 
for new buildings, and £300 a year for maintenance. 

The Girls' School was also to be i third grade,' at the same 
fees as the Middle School, but to take girls up to 16 years. 

There were twelve subsidiary schemes, four making the 
Fulke Weale, Sarah Greville's, and Lord Brooke's educational 
charities, together with Thomas Busby's, Richard Edgeworth's, 
and Robert Heath's charities, now declared by their governing 
bodies applicable to education, part of the King's School ; 
others taking £200 a year from Oken's charity, £23,500 from 
Sir Thomas White's charity, £150 a year from Anne Johnson's 
charity, £100 from Griffin's charity, and £2 a year from 


Thomas Wheatley's charity, and making them part of the 
School Foundation under the same governing body. 

There was little or no difference of opinion as to any of 
the main provisions. Nearly everybody in Warwick wanted 
the Grammar School to be 'first grade/ the leaving age 
to be raised to 18, so that boys might go straight to the 
university with a Fulke Weale exhibition, and the boarding 
fees to be raised to £40 or £42. Everybody wanted Warwick 
children to pay less than outsiders. The trustees wanted, 
and others did not want, Greek included without extra fee. 

The most pertinent objections were those formulated by 
Mr. Hill. He pointed out that it was absurd to build for 190 
day-boys, especially if there was to be a 'Middle School' 
besides the Grammar School, which would inevitably under- 
sell the Grammar School among the townspeople, while the 
boarding fee of £35 a year was far too low with the number 
of boarders contemplated. He prophesied that 50 would be 
an extreme limit to the number of day-boys, and his prophecy 
has been hitherto justified by the result. 

In large towns, he argued, there was room for two secondary 
schools without overlapping, and without interfering with 
each other's development. In a place of the size of Warwick, 
or in any place under 30,000 or 40,000, there is not room. At 
Warwick, at the time the scheme was made, the difficulty was 
aggravated by the existence of Leamington College, which 
took off a large number of the boys who would naturally have 
gone to Warwick if at the time of the growth of Leamington 
it had been fitted to receive them. But the short-sighted, 
dog-in-the-manger policy of differential fees against 'out- 
siders,' and the absence of adequate buildings and recreation 
grounds, had entirely prevented this. Now that Leamington 
College has ceased to exist, it is possible that Warwick School, 
especially if it opens its governing body to representatives 
from Leamington, may get a large enough contingent of day- 
boys to rank with the (so-called) Colleges of Cheltenham and 

Had these been all the points raised on the draft scheme, 
the Endowed Schools Commissioners would have had little 
difficulty. Unfortunately deadly hostilities broke out on the 


constitution of the governing body. The scheme proposed a 
governing body of nineteen : the Earl, Mayor, and Recorder of 
Warwick, ex-officio ; six governors named by White's charity 
Trustees, one each by the Trustees of Oken's, Griffin's, and 
Anne Johnson's charity, and three by the town council, 
while five persons, including Kelynge Greenway, the leading 
banker, and Thomas Lloyd, the owner of the Priory, were 
named as co-optative governors. 

It was urged that the school would perish if it were not 
built on the pillars of the Church and classics, and that, if the 
trustees of Sir Thomas White's charity were given a majority 
on the governing body, the school would be given over to 
irreligion, and (which was apparently regarded as the same 
thing) that there would be no security that the headmaster 
would not be a Nonconformist. It is not in these days easy 
to realise how it came to be regarded as the end of all things 
if the headmaster of a public school, supported from public 
funds, should be a Nonconformist. As for Sir Thomas White's 
trustees, the leading one was Mr. Robert Heath, to whom Mr. 
Hill had written the letters quoted above. In vain was it 
replied that of White's charity trustees only two were Dis- 
senters, many were Tories, and all were among the most 
substantial and respected inhabitants of the borough. The 
simple fact remained that Mr. R. C. Heath had been the 
Liberal agent at the last parliamentary election. In vain, 
too, was it pointed out that even if all Sir Thomas White's 
trustees were radicals and dissenters, they were only given the 
appointment of six out of 19 governors. The objecting party 
had lately established a majority on the town council, and so 
the sacred principle of representative government was invoked 
for the transfer of the six places proposed to be given to 
White's trustees to themselves. 

This fierce opposition fairly frightened the Commissioners, 
and the case was hung up till April 1874, when the Town 
Council withdrew their opposition. Lord Warwick was not 
to be persuaded. After six months' more negotiation he with- 
drew Anne Johnson's charity from the scheme, and refused 
his consent to the inclusion of Lord Brooke's charity. 

A new Government had meanwhile come in and passed an 


Act for the abolition of the Endowed Schools Commission, 
and the transfer of its powers to the Charity Commission. 
On 22 December 1874, only nine days before their powers 
ceased, the expiring Commission submitted the Warwick 
scheme to the Committee of Council on Education. When 
republished by the committee, in February 1875, the town 
council renewed their opposition, on the allegation that 
Anne Johnson's charity had been struck out from the scheme 
against the wishes of its trustees. Hence more delay, till it 
was discovered that the chief trustee, Lord Warwick, had 
himself insisted on it. At last, in May, the scheme was 
approved by the Lord President of the Council, and finally 
became law, by the approval of Queen Victoria in Council, on 
5 August 1875. 

The delay of three years in the establishment of a scheme 
which every one had admitted for years was greatly needed 
did not reflect great credit on the wisdom of its opponents. 
The chief alterations in the scheme as passed, from that 
originally published, were the addition of the Lord-Lieutenant 
of Warwickshire to the ex-officio governors, which no one 
objected to, and the elimination of Anne Johnson's charity 
which Lord Warwick himself was afterwards the first to 
restore to it. 



The governors under the new scheme lost no time in getting 
to work. Their first meeting was held on 26 November 1875 
under the presidency of the mayor, Mr. G. H. Nelson. The 
Earl of Warwick was elected chairman, and Mr. Hill was 
asked to carry on the school till Easter 1876, with the Rev. 
F. Case as second master. New sites for the school were 
considered, a site by St. John's Hospital being the favourite, 
but it was found that only six acres of land could be obtained, 
and a hundred commoners would have to be dealt with as to 
their rights of common. So on 26 January 1876 the present 
site was chosen. The land on which it is built formed part of 
the land belonging to Henry vm.'s charity, and was apparently 
part of the hide of land in Myton which Domesday-book 
records as endowment of St. Mary's Church. 

Mr. A. E. Bo wen, who went to the school in August 1874, 
which was Mr. Hill's last year, records that the school was 
then carried on in two departments — classical and modern. 
The latter was carried on in the house in Southgate now 
occupied by the Girls' School, under F. Case, with an ' old boy,' 
W. Rainbow, for his second master. The classical side, which 
consisted of precisely 19 boys, of whom the senior was 
William Modlen who won a scholarship at Worcester College, 
Oxford, was carried on in the old premises by Mr. Hill, with 
Mr. A. A. Corfe as second master. Mr. Bowen records an 
interesting old ceremony : — 

1 When the clock in St. Mary's Tower had struck nine, the 
headmaster, a tall, white-haired, and pathetically reverend- 
looking old man, came to the end of the school porch or 
vestibule, and, without a word or a smile, struck the door four 



or five hard blows with his cane, and then went back to his 
own room ; the boys trooped in ; he read prayers and called 
the roll, to which those present answered " Here ! " This was 
the mode of opening school every morning. 

'Another ceremony which prevailed as long as the school 
stayed in the old college, was that of christening new boys. On 
the north side of the playground was the fountain, a tap over 
a small iron basin supported by a structure of blue bricks. 
Here new boys were soused with water and nicknames 

'The schoolroom walls were bare but for a liberal allow- 
ance of whitewash; with which the impulsive genius of 
some budding artist would occasionally illustrate an event 
of the day. On one occasion there was a vivid sketch in 
charcoal or pencil of one Jeremiah Corkery, a youth of 17, 
who was hanged in Warwick Gaol about this time. Mr. Hill 
between classes used to walk up and down the room, apparently 
in deep thought and taking little notice of anything; but 
when, as sometimes happened, he caught sight of these mural 
illustrations, he would express his contemptuous indignation 
by a series of hisses of a most expressive kind. School-hours 
were 9-12 and 2-5 in summer, and 2 till dark in winter, as 
there was no gas in the school. The " bobdogs " kept us fairly 
hard. "Bobdog" was the name given to the boys attending the 
Bablake Charity School, held in the Chapel of St. Peter over 
the Eastgate of the town.' There seems to be no evidence 
why this school, which was founded out of Oken's and Lady 
Greville's charities, was called the Bablake School ; but it 
seems certain that the name was due to transference from the 
much larger and more ancient Blue Coat School at Coventry, 
the Bablake Hospital, a smaller Christ's Hospital. 'The 
costume of the boys attending the school consisted of a cap 
and coat of a shape similar to that worn by the Beefeaters, 
with knee-breeches and stockings. As their costume was old- 
fashioned, so were their manners. The few college boys who 
had to pass the Bobdogs School door daily on their way had 
an experience that must have hardened them for the rough- 
and-tumble of after-life. The story of how a boy in the junior 
room fought and beat the chosen representative of the National 


Schools, after six rounds, fought in different parts of the town, 
was a school topic for some time. 

* A pleasing reminder of the connection of the school with 
the town authorities was that on 9 November the town crier 
came to the school in his scarlet coat and three-cornered hat 
and battered at the door, and upon its being opened, he used 
to deliver himself, "The Mayor's compliments to the Head- 
master, and may the boys have a whole (wull, he called it), 
holiday ? " This was always granted, and the crier remained 
in the playground until a collection had been made for him.' 
This custom survives in the new site. 

'Mr. A. A. Corfe ceased to be the second master about 
midsummer 1875, and was succeeded by Mr. J. Archibald 
Brown, a Balliol man formerly at Leamington College. He 
was a very popular, kind - hearted man. He suffered 
from heart disease to such an extent, that occasionally he 
would, in the middle of school-work, be quite incapaci- 
tated. He was physically broad and was so likewise in 
his treatment of the boys. On one occasion a fierce fight 
took place in the playground within a few yards of him. 
After it was finished, he smilingly put his arm round the 
neck of the victor and said, " My little man, what was it all 
about?" The answer was, "He hit my little brother and I 
gave him a licking." Brown said very seriously, " Quite 
right, but it mustn't occur again." 

1 Games were at a very low ebb at this time. There was 
no school cricket club. Football was practically unknown. 
There was but one football match played ; it took place on the 
Common with a school from Leamington. 

'During the summer of 1875 the county ground became 
available for cricket, and several matches were played, 
including one with Allesley Grammar School, and one with a 
school at Leamington kept by Mr. Hawley. A. Warner was 
captain of the school eleven that year, but the distance of the 
ground from the town was much against regular practice for 
those who lived on the far side of the town. 

' School games were practically confined to the playground 
attached to the school. This was about 60 yards long by 30 
wide. Here were played hockey and fives, the hockey goals 


being chalk lines on the walls at either end. Other games, 
not of a now recognised order, were popular. They included 
" tournaments," 1 a game in which two pairs of boys, one riding 
on the back of the other, tried to charge each other and pull 
the adverse rider down. " One, two, three," was another popular 
game. The two ends of the ground were lined off as sanctuaries, 
and one boy would take the middle ground, and catch any one 
running across from the one sanctuary to the other, and if the 
catcher could hold his man while he said " One, two, three and 
a man for me, and a man to help me catch," the captive had to 
stay in the middle and help him. This continued until all 
were caught but one, and the last had to run through three 
times, and if he could do that without being held, he was free 
and looked upon as the winner. This game was splendid 
practice in collaring; it was a moderately rough game, and 
occasionally resulted in heavy falls with necessarily some 
slight hurts. 

1 "Stag a warning" was a somewhat similar game, only played 
with one boy with hands clasped in front. Prisoners' base 
was also popular. Though without facilities for systematic 
cricket and football, boys still managed to keep their wind good 
and to harden their muscles.' 

Mr. Hill left at Easter 1876, when the past boys of the 
school raised and presented him with a testimonial of over 
£1000; while the 'present' boys of that day gave him the 
Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, by his fellow-Wyke- 
hamist Dean Hook. In 1880 he was most appropriately pre- 
sented to the dignified sinecure of the mastership of the 
Leycester Hospital, so closely connected in the past with the 
history of the school. His retirement was gladdened by the 
sight of the prosperous new development of the old school. 
He died at the ripe age of 81 on 21 November 1892, and lies 
buried in Warwick Cemetery. 

The Reverend William Fisher Macmichael, who on 17 
February had been elected headmaster, began work in the 
summer term of 1876. He had been at Downing College, 
Cambridge, where he rowed in the University boat. 

1 Cf. Strutt in his Sports and Pastimes of the People of England under hippas. 


He is described as ' a man of commanding presence, standing 
over six feet high, a typical North-country man, with brown 
hair and beard, a fine forehead, and large blue eyes/ Robust 
and vigorous himself, he seems to have been somewhat too 
robust in his treatment of the boys, a contrast with the gentle- 
ness of Mr. Hill, whose fiercest resource was to call the boys 
' Boeotians.' One of the first two, afterwards increased to 
four, boarders under Mr. Macmichael records that ' one of his 
weaknesses seemed to be a liking to grab one by the hair and 
wag one's head to and fro, finishing this off with a vigorous 
slap on the side of the head — an exceedingly unpleasant 
operation for the victim.' 

The headmaster was a bachelor, and lived with his mother 
and sister. The former ' was a fine old lady, believed by the 
boys to be a direct descendant of the Iron Duke of Wellington, 
a belief supported by her high, arched nose and features. 
The sister was an exceedingly jolly girl, and well in with the 
boys, in so far that she often joined us in our walks or 
excursions, and was known to go on occasion straight into the 
centre of a brook after moorhen's eggs, much to her brother's 
pupils' surprise but ultimate admiration.' 

Somehow or other Mr. Macmichael did not succeed. He 
was considered extremely high-church when high-churchism 
had not become so fashionable as it did later. On 6 Decem- 
ber 1876 a motion was made on the governing body to ask 
him to explain his having given twelve boys at Cheltenham 
a book called the Altar Manual, which had been publicly 
censured in the Cheltenham Chronicle by the Reverend 
H. Kynaston. The motion was, of course, rejected, by 11 
to 4, as it had nothing to do with Mr. Macmichael's conduct 
as headmaster of Warwick. But the notoriety given to the 
matter did not conduce to the prosperity of the school under 

At Easter 1878 there were only forty-four boys in the school, 
when seven letters of complaint were sent to the governors on 
which the headmaster's answer was requested. His answers 
were on a division pronounced satisfactory by the governors. 

In October 1878 a question arose as to preparation of day- 
boys for confirmation, when the vicar left the governors' 


meeting because his motion to express no opinion was not 
seconded. But in March next year a letter was received from 
the Bishop of Worcester saying that preparation for confirma- 
was the business of the minister, i.e. the vicar, not the master. 

The opening of the new buildings of the school on 
the My ton Road took place on 1 August 1879 with great 
flourishing of trumpets, Lord Leigh, Lord-Lieutenant of the 
county, presiding, and Lord Brooke giving away the prizes. 
An old bell from the Eastgate Chapel, inscribed 'ex dono 
Fulk Weale, gen. 1730/ was appropriately transferred to the 
new buildings. This and some of the oak beams from the old 
school, used to make a pig-sty for the headmaster's pigs in the 
new school, seem to be the only relics of old times that were 
transported to the new site. Poetic considerations of how 
' the descendants of the wild pigs, that roamed beneath these 
old oaks in the forest of Arden, lie down, perhaps, beneath the 
shelter of the very trees that sheltered and fed their forefathers, 
while the beams which for years listened to the learned 
and godly discourse of the dwellers in the college now hear 
only the swine swilling out of the swine trough/ hardly 
reconcile us to the entire neglect to preserve any more 
palpable connection with the history of the old school. Nor 
can any relics now be recovered. For in June 1880 the 
governors sold the old college for the paltry sum of £1800. 
The building was pulled down, and its beautiful panelling with 
carved pomegranates, 'traditionally' (but almost certainly 
without any real ground) supposed to be erected in the time 
of Henry viil to commemorate the conquest of Granada by 
Ferdinand and Isabella, parents of his wife, Catherine of 
Aragon, which surely might have been spared to adorn the 
bare walls of the new hall, or the chapel at the new school, 
was scattered abroad. Nothing of the college now remains 
but the old wall which still surrounds the vacant site, which 
was last year, 1905, purchased by the present vicar of St. 
Mary's, the Reverend Thurstan Rivington, with a view to its 

The school buildings form a striking object in the landscape 
to any one coming down the steep hill on which Warwick is 



built to the great bridge over the Avon. The school fronts 
the river, about 100 yards from which it stands on a rising 
plateau some 30 feet above it, well out of reach of damp and 
mists. It looks across the large open S. Nicholas meadow 
which bounds the river on the other side, directly towards the 
picturesque old house which marks the site, and contains some 
fragments, of the old Hospital of S. John. To the right lies 
the leafy road that leads to Leamington. Milton has exactly 
described the western view : 

1 Towers and battlements it sees 
Bosomed high in tufted trees, 
Where, perhaps, some beauty lies, 
The cynosure of neighbouring eyes.' 

What Windsor Castle with its Park is to Eton College, 
that Warwick Castle with its Park is to Warwick School. 

The school buildings form an imposing pile in a rococo 
Tudor style. 

The plan is that of a central tower with a high roof of the 
French type, flanked by and recessed between two smaller 
tower-like structures with bay windows, and somewhat similar 
high-pitched roofs, which join on to the main roof of the 
building. East and west of them are two wings of lesser 
height, while at the extreme west is the headmaster's house 
fronting towards the castle, and at the extreme east is the 
chapel, connected with the main building only by a short 

In the west tower on the first floor is the house-room or 
living-room during the day of A ' house,' and on the same 
floor above the dining-hall is A dormitory or house : B 
dormitory is on the second floor above A, but also occupying part 
of the west tower, while its house-room is on the ground-floor 
of the east tower. C house occupies the first floor of the east 
tower for its day-room, and the second floor of the east 
tower and the east wing for its dormitory. 

The class-rooms are mostly on the ground-floor, and the 
masters' rooms are near their respective ' houses.' 

The back of the buildings is severe in its simplicity, and 
derives what architectural effect it possesses from the arrange- 








ment of the wings and the steep roofs of the main buildings 
The architect evidently did not recognise that the most 
important view of a school, and that from which it is longest 
and most often seen, is that from its playing fields, or he would 
not have lavished all the architectural features of large 
windows and symmetrical roofs on the road front, and left the 
hinder parts unadorned and somewhat haphazard in arrange- 

The playing fields are no small feature of the school. They 
look as if they were laid out as a smooth and verdant preface 
to an illimitable vista of pasture interspersed with so many 
fine elms and other trees in the fields and in the hedgerows 
as to give the idea of a vast park, or of a stretch of the ancient 
and romantic glades of the Forest of Arden itself, on the 
gentle slopes of which we might expect at any moment to 
meet Rosalind and Celia or the melancholy Jaques himself. A 
finer site or a statelier home no school need wish for itself, 
and its surroundings are not threatened by encroaching brick 
heaps or ruined by railway junctions and the spread of modern 
industries. But the youthful population of the place take 
more delight in the prosaic fact that they enjoy the best 
playing fields of any school in the Midlands next to Rugby, 
and one of the best cricket grounds in the county. 

The new buildings did not at first bring any accretion 
to the school. On the contrary, the introduction of a 
matron seems to have aggravated the disquiet felt. She is 
described as ' a really splendid woman, tho' severely devout. 
She was a sort of sister of mercy, and her influence assisted, 
no doubt, in the inception of a higher church movement of the 
headmaster's.' Murmurs were rife, and on 2 June 1880 
Mr. Macmichael gave notice of resignation at Christmas. He 
retired to a living, and is now vicar of Lee, South Devon. 



Ox 27 September 1880 the Reverend William Grundy was 
elected headmaster out of a large field, and on 21 December 
made his declaration on taking office. Mr. Grundy was one 
of those fountains of energy and ability who are successful in 
whatever they undertake. Born in 1850, he was at school at 
Rossall, whence he won a scholarship at Worcester College, 
Oxford, where in 1872 he obtained a first class in Moderations, 
and in 1872 a second class in the Final Schools in Classics. 
Next year he became a Fellow of Worcester. In 1878 he 
went back to Rossall as fifth form master. He only remained 
there two years before election to Warwick. His keenest 
interest really lay in philosophy, and he wrote the second 
part of ' Aristotelianism ' in a series on the ' Chief Ancient 

1 He was a man of powerful physique, under the middle size, 
but thick-set and broad-chested ; his face was clear cut, with 
high cheek bones, and somewhat stern ; he had reddish, sandy 
hair and whiskers, with deep-set, piercing blue eyes. He 
always wore low collars and a small white tie,' the assumption 
of which, he told one of his colleagues, ' somewhat surprised 
his friends, considering the views he held,' and it was probably 
assumed rather for scholastic than ecclesiastical or theological 
reasons. His sermons to the boys were rather moral than 
theological, but are remembered as forceful and impressive. 

Mr. Norman Lane, now a mechanical engineer and con- 
tractor in Birmingham, gives a high estimate of him : — 

1 He was feared and respected by all his boys. He was " the 
Head" in all his actions. But he had the happy knack of 
making his boys feel proud of their school, and as I write even 


The Rev. William Grundy. 

Headmaster 1880-5. 


after these years I still feel that same regard for him and 
respect that I then did as a small boy. He took much personal 
interest in our games and sports, and was often to be seen 
playing with his first eleven in cricket matches. During 
match days at cricket or football he was often to be heard 
censuring any boy who funked a fast ball or the scrimmage 
at football. It was he who introduced the proper game of 
fives, being instrumental in erecting the two fine fives courts 
with buttresses the school then had ; he was champion of his 
college at Oxford, and at the game he was always able to give 
any three of us boys points and beat us. Until his arrival we 
always played without gloves. 

1 He was particularly severe on idlers in school. His flog- 
gings were no child's play. Boarders used to exhibit the 
strokes across their shoulders and to have the number verified 
on retiring to rest in the dormitories. 

'The office of Prefect was instituted by him, a boy named 
Gerald King being the first boarder, and R. Johnston the first 
day-boy prefect. Once I remember there was some anxiety 
displayed by the prefects not to fall in with some suggestion 
he had made with regard to a subject he wished dealt with 
in the school. He abruptly brought us to our senses, and 
belittled our assumption of superiority by firmly stating that 
he greatly desired our assistance, but that if we did not give 
it, then he would do without it ; this rather shows the type of 
man and his diplomacy in dealing with his boys. 

1 He was exceedingly wide awake to all the tricks and weak- 
nesses of boys, both large and small. Once he gave several 
of us leave to go to Leamington for what was then called on 
our leave forms " Tuck and other shops " ; this form was signed 
by our form-master and countersigned by Mr. Grundy. Some 
half-dozen of us, instead of tuck, had purchased pipes and 
tobacco. After evening prayers he quietly said, "All boys who 
have smoking materials stand forward." There was a dead 
silence ; no one came forward. Then the crushing statement 
came, " The whole school is gated and kept in on half-holidays 
until I know." He knew the miscreants all the time. We 
had to ultimately give in and were duly punished. 

' Many of the old boarders of that day will bear me out in 


placing my finger on the estimable old hall porter named 
Marris as being the unknown Marconigram which conveyed 

Another old boy who was under Mr. Grundy, only in a lower 
form, writes : — 

' He was essentially a commander. He would have made a 
great captain of industry. A good organiser, he viewed the 
school too much as a whole, from which certain results must 
be obtained, and he obtained them by largely ignoring the 
individual units which comprise the body corporate. Unless 
a boy was very clever, or very dull or stupid, he hardly ever 
came under Mr. Grundy's notice. Of his influence on clever 
boys I cannot speak. I only remember having one series 
of classes under liim, when we read Ovid, and I do not 
remember being at all impressed with him as a teacher. 
His method with dull or lazy boys was summary. He used 
to put the two bottom boys of a class on ■ Satisfecit." If 
in a fortnight they had not bettered their place in class, 
they were flogged, after their names had been submitted to a 
masters' meeting. The lists were read out in big school on 
Saturday mornings by the headmaster, surrounded by the 
staff. A masters' meeting was held while we adjourned to our 
classrooms, where those who were expecting to be summoned 
later on to the headmaster's study made some slight prepara- 
tion in the way of padding against the expected flogging. 

1 1 was never flogged myself, but the method was as follows : 
You were summoned by Marris, the school porter, who came 
to the classroom door and said to the master, " If you please, 
sir, Mr. Grundy wants to see So-and-So in his study." The 
master in charge of the form then looked at the boys named, 
and they slowly rose and left the room and adjourned to the 
passage outside the study. When summoned inside they 
found the head- and their own form-master. Mr. Grundy 
would then in his severe, decisive way tell the boy that he was 
going to flog him, and order him to stand opposite the window ; 
he then received about six strokes over the shoulders with the 
cane, which had a nasty habit of wrapping itself round the 
right arm. I have seen arms black and blue as the result 
of a bad flogging. So much flogging went on that it was 


rumoured that ou a Saturday, when Mr. Grundy was going to 
a chess match at Oxford, he missed his train because he had 
so many boys to flog. 

'No account of Mr. Grundy's headmastership would be 
complete without a reference to the lady who presided over 
his house. Mrs. Grundy, nie Mitchell of Aberdeen, married 
in 1881, had not much to do with the school, but she was 
always most sympathetic and kind whenever she came in 
contact with the boys, and united a charming manner to a 
charming presence. 

'During Mr. Grundy's headmastership his sister, Miss 
Grundy, was lady matron. The standing joke was that a pill 
was the remedy for all and every ill to which boy flesh is heir. 
I always found her most kind and considerate when we were 
ill or ailing. 

'During his time, annual school sports, concerts, paper- 
chases, swimming-races, and so on were instituted. 

'Debating and essay societies were formed for the senior 
boys, and were generally held in the headmaster's house 
during the winter evenings in the term. 

' Mr. Grundy's own particular work was with the fifth and 
sixth forms for Classics and Eoman History and Philology. 
Mr. Bickmore, a Fellow of New College, was Mathematical 

' Mr. Haigh (Cambridge), Science Master, was exceedingly 
nervous, and consequently suffered many things at the boys' 
hands. He fitted up the school laboratory and took great 
interest in the practical and demonstrative side of this work. 
An exceedingly methodical man and a good organiser, the 
general arrangement of this classroom owes all to him. My 
present interests owe much to his careful supervision and 

'The third master, the Rev. Gilbert Walker, an Oxford B.A. 
on the Modern side, was an exceedingly popular man, who, on 
leaving, was presented with a handsome testimonial. His 
particular eccentricity exhibited itself in the much dilapidated 
college hat that he always wore ; generally all four corners 
were smashed down. 

' Mr. Barry Meade, who was a high wrangler at Cambridge, 


followed Mr. Haigh as Mathematical and Science Master, 
whose occasional efforts to appear stern generally ended in 
much uproar and some exits from the class. During his time 
Botany was taught, and small gardens became one of the 
hobbies of the boys. 

1 The Music Master was Mr. C. H. Hulls, who was also a 
very good cricketer. 

'Last, and by no means least, our German and French 
Master was Herr Steen, who was nicknamed Froggy, though 
he was not a Frenchman but a German. He was a man of 
slight build, very neat in appearance. He had been through 
the Franco-German War of 1870, from which he brought away 
a bullet in the leg, and was quite a match for the English 
school-boy. His name was pronounced Stane, and whenever 
the hymn was used in which the line " Save us from sinful 
stain " occurred, the last word was given fortissimo and with 
emphasis. At times we imagined he suffered severely from 
indigestion, when his class generally had a bad time. He 
always seemed better pleased to teach German than French, 
and we always knew how our lesson would go in the first few 
moments, for if he joked us by such sayings as " Well, what 
is the word ? Do you think it 's a fish ? " or " What are you ? 
a slow coach ? " things went well. If you started badly with 
him in a new term, then come what would you never seemed 
to do right. His favourite expression is said to have been, 
" You damn fool, you boy you," generally a preliminary to a 
sharp box on the ear. He did not take much interest in our 
games. I believe he once played football, but only once, his 
costume then was not suitable, and on his return he pre- 
sented a pitiable sight. Possibly some old scores were paid 
off. But he played rounders sometimes and is credited with 
"phenomenal'' hits. In the summer, especially on Sunday 
evenings, his favourite recreation was to sit on the school 
roller and read, with a German smoking-cap and smoking a 
German pipe of awe-inspiring dimensions. 

'The headmaster's assistant was Mr. H. W. Smith, an able 
classic, who was unfortunately transferred with Mr. Grundy 
to Malvern. 

A tuck shop was erected in the playground and run by 


three or four of the senior prefects. By calculation there 
should have been some 100 per cent, profits, but, as is the case 
with many companies of the present day, the directors 
swallowed (literally) the profits. It was ultimately taken 
over by the hall porter, and then paid well. 

1 There were three dormitories, the two top ones were known 
respectively as the North and South Pole, being so christened 
on account of exploring parties to those then unknown re- 
gions, when there were only about a dozen boarders on the 
lower floor. As the school filled there were organised bolster- 
ing matches between the dormitories. 

' Our football team was not a particularly strong one, but 
the cricket was very good for the size of the school. Trinity 
College, Stratford, and Stratford Grammar School were our 
worthiest competitors.' 

The increase of the school under Mr. Grundy was rapid. 
There were only 8 boarders when he began ; a year later 
there were 26 ; three years later the house was full with 
70 boys, while the day-boys had also increased, as they 
always do increase with boarders, to 54. He applied to 
the governors in June 1884 to build a new boarding-house. 
This the governors with lamentable lack of foresight refused 
to do. Mr. Grundy had no intention of wasting his genius 
for organisation and development over a small school, if 
not supported by the governing body in developing it. He 
accordingly became a candidate for the headmastership of 
Malvern College on the retirement of Mr. Cruttwell in 
1885, and was elected to enter there on the 1st of May. 
His success at Malvern was as phenomenal as at Warwick. 
Finding the school well under 200, by 1891, when he died 
suddenly, in great measure from over-work, he had increased 
it to 320, and firmly established its position among the great 
public schools. 

Perhaps the most signal proof of the prosperity of the 
school and the headmaster's energy was the appearance of 
a school magazine in April 1884, under the somewhat bar- 
barous title of The Varvicensian. It lived through seven 
numbers, the last being that for March 1885. The first 
number records the creation of a rifle corps with 20 members, 


and the addition of a workshop. It recorded the events of 
the previous football season, which included two victories 
over Coventry Grammar School and two defeats, one very 
narrow by King Edward's School, Birmingham, and two very 
hollow defeats from Trinity College, Stratford-on-Avon. As 
the latter was rather a ' Crammer's ' than a school, the dis- 
parity of ages at that stage of Warwick School was too great. 
The records of the cricket season showed victories over Trinity 
College, Stratford-on-Avon, and Coventry Grammar School, 
and a win and a loss against King Edward's School, Birming- 
ham. The publication of a curiously eloquent essay on hero- 
worship, delivered to the Essay Society, shows a vigorous 
literary activity in the school and in the society, which was 
well supported by two of the masters, the Rev. E. R. Christie 
and Mr. Francis Gribble, now a successful novelist. A very 
favourable examiner's report on the school shows that the 
numbers had risen during the year 1885 from 113 to 135; 
while 3 boys had been sent up to try for Balliol scholarships, 
one of whom, W. G. Gibson, received special mention, an 
earnest of his success in actually winning that distinction 
in 1886. He was probably the most brilliant boy that the 
school had yet seen, and his success was a striking testimony 
in favour of Mr. Grundy's methods. ' His essays were inter- 
esting and suggestive. He had the love of knowledge for 
its own sake. An omnivorous reader, he remembered all he 
read.' But only a year after he went up to Balliol he was 
drowned while bathing in the Avon. This untimely end to 
a career which promised to reflect lustre on the school made 
a deep impression at the time. The brass tablet in the school 
chapel to his memory recalls how : 

'Sunt lacrymae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.' 



Warwick School was carried on during the summer term 
of 1885 by a locitm-tenens, Rev. P. E. Raynor, a scholar of 
Winchester and New College, who subsequently accepted the 
wardenship of Christ's College, Hobart, Tasmania, and later 
the headmastership of St. Peter's College, Adelaide, in Aus- 
tralia, and since his return in 1894 has been headmaster of 

On 13 May 1885 the Rev. John Pearce Way was appointed 
headmaster. He was then thirty-five years old. The son of 
a clergyman living at Bath, he had been educated at the 
Somersetshire College, afterwards known as Bath College, 
which in those days was in great repute for the number of 
excellent scholars turned out by Mr. Escott, and later by 
Mr. Dunn. Among his contemporaries were two editors of 
the Fortnightly Review, Mr. T. H. S. Escott and Mr. W. L. 
Courtney, and Mr. Evelyn Abbott of Oxford repute. Mr. Way 
was head of the school and captain of his school eleven, and 
thence won an open scholarship at Brasenose College, Oxford, 
in 1869. At Oxford he was equally strenuous. He was for 
four years stroke of his college boat, which in 1872 was third, 
and in 1874 second on the river, and was stroke of the 
university boat in 1874, and again in 1875, when he turned 
the tide in favour of Oxford after five successive victories by 
Cambridge. He nevertheless managed to obtain a First Class 
in Moderations in 1871, and a Second Class in the final school 
in Literae Humaniores, commonly called Greats, in 1874. 
After a year at Oxford as a private tutor he became in 1875 
an assistant master on the classical side at Marlborough 
College, of which the late Dean Farrar was then headmaster. 
Two years afterwards he was made a house-master (so-called — 



for the ' houses ' were not ' houses ' but blocks of a huge hostel) 
by the Rev. G. C. Bell, who had meanwhile become headmaster. 

By character and experience Mr. Way was thus eminently 
fitted for the post which for eleven years he filled. During 
his term of office he definitely raised Warwick School to a 
high place among those schools which are at once local and 
national, and combine the advantages of day schools with 
those of boarding schools. While resembling ' the great 
public schools ' in being national or non-local, in so far as 
they draw boarders from all parts of England, or rather of 
the Empire — Dr. Way, for example, had three successive 
entries from Canada, Australia, and India, and at the same 
time had the elite of the town of Warwick in the school — 
they look principally to the educational interests of boys of 
the neighbourhood. For by the aid of the boarders Warwick 
School provides the day boys with an educational equipment 
and an 'educational atmosphere' infinitely superior to that 
which it could give if confined to day boys. Under Dr. Way 
the harmony between the two elements, the local and the 
national, was complete ; day boys and boarders alike felt that 
they were equally the objects of his impartial care. 

He seems to have impressed the boys at once. One who 
had entered the school in the summer term of 1885, tells how 
many of the boys hoped that Mr. Raynor, acting headmaster, 
would be elected. But 'one morning at breakfast we saw 
walk up with Mr. Raynor, a pleasant-faced, bearded gentle- 
man, who we at once guessed was to rule us next term. 
We noticed that he had a firm tread and a quick glance.' 
The same narrator tells how ■ at first little alteration took 
place in the general working of the school, though here and 
there the reins were tightened ; but so gently were alterations 
made that I do not think we quite realised what had taken 
place even after two years. We always found Mr. Way 
kindness itself, and all of us were accustomed to meet him 
at his own breakfast table, where he did his best, vainly, 
I fear sometimes, to draw us into conversation. When I first 
went into the sixth, I, along with others, dreaded his classes 
for some reason which we could never understand, for when 
once the class was started we found the lesson interesting 

The Rev. John Pearce Way. 
Headmaster 1885-96. 

DR. WAY'S DAY 221 

enough, and Mr. Way as patient as possible. One thing he 
would not brook, and that was inattention ; in his classes 
there was no room for an idle boy. On two occasions I 
remember him catching a boy cribbing. They were awful 
moments ! For the industrious plodding boys Mr. Way enter- 
tained the greatest respect. I think they touched his heart. 
One Sunday night a hard worked fifth-form junior was alone 
in the reading-room trying to pick out the meaning of a 
chapter in Plato's Apology. The headmaster entered. "What 
are you doing here ? " " Please sir, Plato." " But do you not 
know that you have no business to be doing Plato on Sunday ? " 
" Please sir, I can't help it, I had no time to do it before." 
" Well, well, I know how hard it is for you. Let 's see if we 
can't get through it a bit faster together." Mr. Way has 
probably forgotten the incident, the boy has not. The boy 
did not know the Plato next day in spite of the help given, 
but he had learned that his headmaster possessed a kind heart 
and he never dreaded him after that.' 

Mr. Way was a bachelor when he first came, and his 
sister, Miss Way, presided over his household. But ' there 
was great excitement at the beginning of Michaelmas 
term 1890, when the news of the headmaster's engagement 
during the summer holidays was noised abroad.' During 
the Christmas holidays his marriage with Miss Gertrude 
Leach took place. 'From the time she came amongst us 
Mrs. Way's popularity went on increasing. Soon after her 
arrival she sang us " Cherry Ripe " at one of our penny 
readings, and that started her popularity. She always came 
to our concerts and often to our meals in hall, and there and 
in her own house we boys soon came to know and like her.' 
She gave a divinity prize yearly, and her father, Mr. Francis 
Leach, in 1894 founded a prize for an English essay. 

The numbers had fallen heavily during the interregnum. 
At the end of 1884 they had been 132, but as soon as it was 
rumoured that Mr. Grundy was standing for the headmaster- 
ship at Malvern they began to fall ; and when it was known 
that he was leaving they fell heavily, so that the boarders 
sank from 70 to 49, and the day boys from 62 to 44, leaving 
only 93 in all at the beginning of Mr. Way's first term, 1885. 


The school was divided into forms as follows : VI., V., IV., 
Upper III., Lower III., Lower School. As the numbers grew 
the lower school was divided into Remove and Shell — why 
these peculiarly unmeaning names have spread from West- 
minster to other schools, which had not, like it, any physical 
reason for the name of Shell, and still more why they are 
still adopted in new schools, nothing but the sheep-like nature 
of man can explain. The system of marking was peculiar. 
In each lesson every boy started with ten marks and added 
two for every place he went up, and deducted two for every 
place he went down. This was complicated and took a good 
deal of time, and was subsequently abandoned for the simpler 
process of numbering at the end of each lesson, and taking 
places up and down during it. The sixth were always marked 
by means of points for each answer. 

The ultimate success of the older boys whom Mr. Grundy 
left behind him, showed careful and able teaching, but no boy 
from the re-organised Warwick School had as yet passed 
direct into Woolwich or Sandhurst, or won an open scholar- 
ship at Oxford or Cambridge. As the boys grew up the 
necessity for preparing them for the numerous other examina- 
tions, besides those of the universities and the army, now 
necessitated a more elaborate organisation. Those who learned 
mathematics had learnt them along with the rest of the 
classical form in which they happened to be. A new arrange- 
ment was now introduced by which they were re-distributed 
into sets for mathematics. This was a great help to the 
mathematical teaching, as was soon shown by results. 

A special system of preparation for the array was arranged, 
and most of the candidates were successful. The preparation 
for scholarships at the universities was at the same time 

The school laboured under a great disadvantage as far as 
the development of classical scholarship was concerned by the 
lack of entrance scholarships. Again, by the school scheme 
of 1875, the study of Greek was penalised by an extra fee. 
The result was that the majority of boys learnt German 
instead. Not much more than thirty out of the whole school 
(on an average) learnt Greek. The actual average for ten 

DR. WAY'S DAY 223 

years of Mr. Way's time was 33. A school with such a small 
classical side was at a great disadvantage in competitions 
with schools which had perhaps 200 or 300, or even 400 boys, 
learning both of the classical languages. The school, how- 
ever, attained a success which was not discreditable. The 
number of scholarships and exhibitions won at Oxford and 
Cambridge, though numerically small beside those won by 
the sixth forms of the large classical sides of the great public 
schools, was proportionately good when the small number of 
Greek learners is taken into account. It amounted to an 
average of about one per annum, i.e. one in every 30 boys 
(about) learning Greek. Great encouragement to all con- 
nected with the school was given by W. G. Gibson winning a 
Balliol Scholarship in 1886. 

As the organisation told, scholarships for mathematical 
proficiency and historical knowledge were added to the 
classical honours. Of eleven boys who composed the sixth 
form in the first term of 1890, five won, and one was proxime 
accessit to, open scholarships or exhibitions at Oxford or 
Cambridge, one obtained entrance into Sandhurst, another the 
first place in the Crystal Palace Engineering School. 

The school examiners were appointed by the governors. 
At first the Wykehamical connection still prevailed in the 
selection of fellows of New College as examiners. One, 
the Eev. Ambrose Short, who had been headmaster of 
Oswestry School, and then had the neighbouring living of 
Bodicote, near Banbury, was much liked, partly because he 
evinced a keen interest in games. He presented a set of 
hand-bells to the school. Another was the Rev. Hereford 
Brooke George, historical tutor at New College. ' He was,' 
says one of the examinees, ' very tall and big, with a very large 
beard, and looked very fierce ; but he was the mildest-man- 
nered man who ever ploughed an ignoramus and gave reports 
that belied his looks.' Another examiner was the Rev. W. H. 
Hughes of Jesus College, Oxford. At one of the Speech days 
the Master of Trinity, Cambridge, indulged in some criticism 
on Oxford examining the results of the teaching of masters 
who, except the headmaster, were all Cantabs. The fact was, 
the school was a centre for the Oxford local examinations, and 


the examiner appointed for the governors also represented the 
university delegates for local examinations. 

The contribution of boys to the old universities from 
such schools as Warwick would no doubt be larger if the 
universities did not insist on Greek, not only for students of 
classics, modern history, law or modern languages, but even 
for those going in for mathematics and natural science and 
engineering. The imposition of Greek in such cases is a 
mere shibboleth of a test. Boys who only take up Greek 
for the purpose of the test can never acquire more than 
a bowing acquaintance with the language or the litera- 
ture, which latter they could probably better acquire from 
translations. The imposition of the test rouses in some a 
resentment against the classics as an instrument of education 
at large. There is a great deal to be said for an entrance 
examination which shall include classics and mathematics, 
modern languages and science, on an equal footing, so that all 
university men may be compelled to have had that all-round 
general education of which we hear so much and see so little. 
The classical man who has never learnt the elements of 
chemistry and physics, is a man of just as lop-sided and 
narrow a culture as the mathematical or science man who is 
guiltless of Homer or Moliere or Shakespeare. It is the 
essence of a university to be a studium generate, a place 
where everything that advances knowledge is studied, and 
should be open to all who obtain a certain standard of pro- 
ficiency in any of the great branches of human culture and 

Though the universities, then more than now, narrowed 
their portals, Mr. Way, classical man though he was, saw that 
it was not only the interest but the duty of Warwick School 
to throw open its entrance gates wide. He developed the 
modern side, in which German took the place of Greek, and 
Latin was reduced to a minimum to make room for modern 

Among the assistant-masters whom Mr. Way appointed, 
and who still remain, is Mr. Robert Davies, scholar of Down- 
ing College, Cambridge, and fourteenth classic in 1882, who had 
two years' experience at Reading Grammar School before com- 



— » 


DR. WAY'S DAY 225 

ing to Warwick. ' Discipline at the time needed bracing up 
considerably, and he at once showed that he meant to keep 
order, and certain big fellows found that vigorous and con- 
sistent punishment followed every attempt at fooling. Three 
hundred lines was his usual imposition, nor had he to set 
it often after the first struggle was over. The oldest old boys 
always enquire for him first when they visit the old school.' 

John Wishart Liddell, a major scholar of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, and 2nd class in the Classical Tripos, 1882 and 
1883, came to Warwick for his first experience in school-teach- 
ing in 1886, and has been there ever since. The estimation in 
which he is held may be gauged by the fact that he was familiarly 
known as ' John/ It is reported of him that he too found dis- 
cipline slack, and at first had a trying time of it, 'but our 
attempts to get a rise out of him he bore in the greatest good 
humour, and finally he settled himself in the hearts of the 
boys, who at length found out how far it was safe to go with 
him, and how far it was not.' He was the founder and presi- 
dent of the Shakespeare Society, perhaps the most continu- 
ously flourishing and successful of the school societies. He 
took part in the cricket matches against clubs, which were not 
schools, and his prowess at Association football (which used to 
be played in Lent term till hockey superseded it), and as an 
after-dinner speaker, are recorded in tones of enthusiasm by 
old boys. By the part which he took as honorary secretary in 
founding the old Warwickian Club, which held its first annual 
dinner in 1895, he has been of no small service in bringing 
old members of the school together, and producing reminis- 
cences which have furnished this book with its nineteenth 
century history. Some anecdotes are told of him. A boy, 
asked the future of Ovyydvco, gave it as diyga). 'Do you 
think so ? ' said Mr. Liddell, ' I don't.' 

Two masters, both of whom died young, live in the memories 
of the boys of that date. One was Herbert Murphy, an old 
Uppingham boy, who had been trained under Thring. Geo- 
graphy and History were his subjects, and he taught them all 
the better because his Irish freedom made him popular, and 
his Irish humour was never long buried. If a boy talked or 
played in form, ' Come out, you bounder,' he would say, and 



give him a cut with what he called his ' Penang persuader,' 
amid the laughter of the rest of the form. When a boy com- 
plained of the burden of an imposition which he was given, 
he would say, ' I 'm very sorry, my dear fellow ; I know it 's a 
nuisance, but I 'm paid to do it, I 'm paid to do it.' He had 
a hatred of anything mean or unmanly. Once he saw a 
special friend of his in morning chapel leaning over the desk 
in front and torturing a small boy with a pin. He reported 
the boy and got him soundly flogged. But he was much 
upset, and walked for the best part of an hour up and down 
the fifth-form room, giving vent to his emotions : ■ I can't 
work to-day ; I can't work to-day.' 

Murphy was the first lieutenant in command of the School 
Rifle Corps, which was attached as a cadet corps to the War- 
wickshire Volunteers, and used to share in the hospitality of 
Lord Leigh in its annual camp in Stoneleigh Park. He 
married in 1892, and left the school and settled down in 
Southport, where he died four years afterwards, his old camp 
chair and table standing in his study as among his most 
cherished possessions. 

Of all the past assistant-masters of Warwick School, the one 
who has left the most lasting memorial of himself, and whose 
part in promoting the intellectual life of the school was 
certainly not the least, was William Waite. He was an ex- 
hibitioner of Balliol and had been proxime accessit for the 
Lothian Historical Essay at Oxford, and came to Warwick in 
September 1888 to teach English subjects, and especially 
History. He was at the school for only three years, but two 
of his pupils won History scholarships at Oxford. He took 
over from the headmaster the presidency of the debating 
society, and by the zeal he showed and by his own remarkable 
speeches, he infused unwonted life into it, and made it for the 
time an efficient instrument of culture. In a debate on 6 
October 1891, on the subject, 'Arbitration preferable to war as 
a mode of settling international disputes.' his peroration in 
favour of arbitration fairly carried ' the house off its legs.' 
Only a month afterwards he was seized with an attack of 
hemorrhage from the lungs. Waite had to leave Warwick, 
and went to Queensland in the hope that the warmer climate 

DR. WAY'S DAY 227 

might save his life. There he interested himself in education, 
and had induced the prime minister of the colony to take up 
the question of university extension. But at the time the 
first public meeting was called to inaugurate the system 
Waite was in bed ill and unable to attend. On the 1 4 Sep- 
tember 1893 — oddly enough, at the town of Warwick, Queens- 
land — he died. 

The permanent memorial which he left behind him was 
the 'School Song.' In June 1889, a poem by him headed 
Gantate Varvicenses appeared in the new school paper, the 
Portcullis, which had made its first appearance in March 
1888, and still thrives. Varvicenses is, by the way, would-be 
classical Latin for Warwickians (or Warwickers, which is the 
proper English for the inhabitants of Warwick or Warwick 
School boys). But it is as unhistorical as it is barbarous. While 
Latin was still almost a living language, the language in 
which the educated classes in England habitually wrote, and, 
at least on solemn occasions, habitually spoke, Warwick was 
always Latinized simply as Warwicus, and Warwicenses was 
the regular Latinization for Warwickers. As Waite's ' Song ' 
consisted of five general stanzas, and then four stanzas for the 
summer and winter, and two for the Lent terms respectively, 
it was too long to be taken up as a 'school song.' In 1891, 
however, Mr. Arthur Peel, now Lord Peel, the Speaker, who 
was one of the governors, offered a prize of £5 for the best 
Warwick School song on the model of the Winchester Domum. 
The Portcullis for November following announced that three 
songs had been sent in ; but they were not judged worthy of 
the prize. However, in July 1892, when the Speaker came 
himself to give away the prizes, he was greeted with a revised 
version of Mr. Waite's effort in 1889. Lord Peel got it set to 
music by Dr. Farmer, the composer of the Harrow School 
songs. It has done duty ever since as 


Here 's a song for all, be they short or tall : 

Sing, comrades, and sing in time 
With a lusty swing, till the rafters ring, 

For the school is the theme of the rhyme. 


Then hurrah, hurrah, for Warwick School 

And the life of each changing season ; 
c Work hard, play fair,' is a golden rule, 
And a man may sing, be he wise or fool ; 
And silence is rank high treason. 


Now beats the ball on the fives-court wall, 
Or the ' mile ' or the ' quarter ' we run ; 

If we bruise our shins where our football spins, 
I' faith ! it is part of the fun. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 


In the cricket field the willow we wield, 
Well equipped for the struggle and fit; 

We 've skill and we Ve pluck, and with moderate luck 
We '11 cheer for the conquering hit. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 

And we plunge in the cool of the shady pool, 

And Stoneleigh's lawns are green ; 
And the flickering steel of the bicycle wheel 

On Edgehill's height is seen. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 


There 's plenty of fun, though the summer 's done 

And skies are leaden and grey ; 
If frost and snow are keen, we '11 show I ween, 

That we can be keen as they. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 

So sing with a will, tho' the winds blow chill, 
While we toughen our sinews and muscles ; 

Close on the ball we' 11 follow all 
In our hard-fought football tussles. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 

DR. WAY'S DAY 229 


Though Latin and Greek are hard to speak 

And Euclid 's a sore vexation, 
Be plucky and work, for fellows who shirk 

Will be plucked in examination. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 

Stick hard, for your lives ! to grammar and fives, 

Greek, algebra, football, and science, 
If they're well gripped, then fully equipped 

We '11 face the world with defiance. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 

Though all things must return to dust, 

Old friends let nothing sever, 
But as you grow older, stand shoulder to shoulder, 

Hurrah ! boys ! Warwick for ever. 
Then hurrah, hurrah, etc. 

These special verses composed by the reviser, Mr. 
John Bain, a master at Marlborough, were sung at the 
inauguration : — 

Serene and great may our ship of state 

Ride safely the dangers round her, 
With men like Peel at the good ship's wheel 

She never, God willing, shall founder. 

May our Warwick boat long proudly float 

In fair or in stormy weather, 
Through work or play, with a stroke like Way 

To teach us to pull together. 

The chapel was one of the scenes of Mr. Way's earliest 
improvements. When he entered office only a nave and 
two tiny transepts had been erected. For fittings little but 
bare seats had been provided. The communion vessels 
were of pewter. By degrees all this was remedied by 
the generous help of many friends of the school. The 


side walls were coloured. In 1886 the plaster at the east 
end was covered with Tynecastle tapestry, a handsome altar 
cloth was put upon the altar, and a beautiful piece of 
embroidery worked by Mrs. Fowler, of Bath, formed a reredos, 
which was draped on either side with curtains and an oak 
cornice set above the whole. A plain set of book-rests for 
the choir was put in. There was no means of lighting the 
chapel. Temporary (home-made) stands to hold candles were 
provided, and later on gas standards of a better design took 
their place. Great was the joy of the boys when new gas 
standards relieved their heads from the continual droppings 
of hot wax. There was only a harmonium to accompany the 
singing. Moreover, it was the custom (sad to relate) for the 
bigger boys to kick the little boys if they presumed to sing. 
An organ was built in 1886 at a cost of some £500, by 
Messrs. Nicholson & Co., of Worcester. Mr. A. G. Warren, 
an enthusiastic musician, was appointed organist and choir- 
master, and a great improvement was brought about in the 
services, and the music of the school in general. 

Mr. Warren found the choir in rather an unruly state at 
first, but he soon reduced it to order, and inspired the boys 
with pride in the choir services as well as the school concerts. 
He amused them with his rendering of all the parts at 
pleasure from bass to treble, and also with his strange 
romances and sententious sermonising. On one occasion his 
sermon rather failed of effect when he announced with great 
deliberation, ' Now boys, just remember this, " Disobedience is 
a virtue." ' On one occasion a small boy came to him and 
said he wanted to leave the choir. Warren said he could not. 
' But sir,' said the boy, ' I thought the choir was voluntary.' 
1 So it is,' was the reply, ' It was voluntary for you to enter, 
and it is voluntary for me to let you leave it, and I won't let 
you.' This novel logic was too much for the boy. He 
remained in the choir, and was glad he had done so. 

In 1893, the school then being full to overflowing, Mr. Way 
undertook the erection of the chancel, and the canopied oak 
stalls round the chapel. This was done by subscriptions and 
a bazaar which forms a green oasis of memory in the boys of 
that day. The first intimation of the great event was given 






DR. WAY'S DAY 231 

by the Portcullis in December 1892 announcing that the 
bazaar would be held in the castle grounds in the following 
June, when Lady Warwick and Lady Eva Greville would hold 
stalls. It was held on 27 June 1893 and two following days, 
and the columns of the Portcullis are radiant with the descrip- 
tion of its delights. The earl was unfortunately ill with what 
proved to be his last illness, and the countess was unable to 
open the bazaar, which ceremony was performed by Lady Eva 
Greville. The temptations of 'The Dairy' in yellow and 
green muslin, presided over by Mrs. Nelson, wife of one of the 
governors ; of the ' Fairy Well ' the ' Floral Bower ' ; of Mrs. E. 
Lyttelton's stall of Italian wrought iron and copper work ; 
the Countess of Warwick's stall, by the side of the world- 
famed ' Warwick Vase ' ; of Mrs. Heath's fancy needlework in 
which the arts of Vienna, Russia, and Circassia vied with each 
other ; and of the ' Warwick School ' stall by Mrs. Way, Lady 
Mary Dashwood and Mrs. Boultbee adorned with the splendid 
orchids, which were Mr. Way's hobby, proved great attractions. 
Even greater were the living shows, — Maypole dances, water 
polo competitions, and canoe races, moving Tableaux Vivants 
in the Castle Hall, — all by the boys, who found the prepara- 
tions lent a zest to life which made that summer term one of 
the most memorable of their school lives. The shillings 
poured from the pockets of the visitors to the extent of £600, 
in spite of a wet opening day. 

Lady Warwick gave £50 for the pulpit. The forty stalls 
were provided by individual donors including governors, 
masters, and old boys, among them Mr. (now Sir) Melvill 
Beachcroft, one of the first aldermen of the London County 
Council, and no less than four by the boys, who also, by means 
of collections among themselves and others found no incon- 
siderable portion of the general funds. In October 1894 
another bazaar was held in the Shakespeare Room of the 
castle, under the auspices of the present earl and countess, 
and produced some £230. Mr. Way gave a silver-gilt com- 
munion service. In the first term of 1895 the enlarged 
and beautiful chapel, a fine example of the result of 
strenuous effort, left the hands of the architect, Mr. W. F. 


In 1897 another great improvement in the chapel by the 
substitution of oak seats for deal pews was effected by 
Mr. Way's successor, Mr. Percival Brown, as a 'Way 
Memorial.' Mr. Way gave the sedilia, and a stall, while his 
wife and his father-in-law, Mr. F. Leach, each gave stalls. 
Another stall was given in memory of Mr. Waite by his 
colleagues. The altar rails were provided by the school in 
commemoration of Robert H. Daunt, who died at the school 
9 April 1893, at the age of seventeen. He had only a fortnight 
before won the championship cup at the school athletic sports, 
with throwing the cricket ball, high jump, long jump, hundred 
yards, quarter mile, and second in the hurdles, though already 
sickening with a feverish rash. He caught a chill which 
turned to pneumonia, and he died just when it was hoped that 
the worst was over. The incident created a painful sensation 
in the school. 

All the glass is by Mr. Henry Holliday, who has also pre- 
pared designs for frescoes on the north and south walls of the 

Under Mr. Way's care, the physical development of the 
boys was provided for no less than their spiritual welfare. 
In 1886 a cricket pavilion was presented by the generosity of 
individual governors, particularly Lord Warwick, Lord Leigh, 
and Viscount Peel. 

The cricket-field itself left much to be desired. There was 
only one small oasis of level ground for a pitch. The out- 
fielders had to stand on the ridges of the old tables, results of 
the ploughings of many centuries. The levelling was done 
piece by piece by the school itself during the winter, with 
school resources and under home management. A year after 
his arrival Mr. Way imported from Marlborough what may 
almost be dubbed a cricket-master in the shape of Frederick 
Gosnal Jameson Page, who had been a wicket-keeper at 
Cambridge, where he was at Gonville and Caius College. He 
took in hand the levelling, and in 1887 Queen Victoria's first 
jubilee furnished the occasion for collecting a Jubilee Fund of 
£60 to finish the work. 

The Portcullis, not without reason, lifted its horn on 
high. ' Before this new addition,' it trumpeted, ' our cricket 

DR. WAY'S DAY 233 

pitch was quite the best in the county ; now, though in point 
of size it is not equal to the new county ground at Birming- 
ham, still we may flatter ourselves that it is the second best ; 
being twice the size, and far better than any other school 
fields around us.' Perhaps it was forgotten that Rugby is in 

The Jubilee Fund also provided an avenue of limes between 
the school and the field, and ' the light and shade ' of their ' cool 
colonnade ' already begin to reproduce the glories of Winchester 
Meads or Rugby School Close. 

A gymnasium was next added, in 1890, as a memorial to 
W. G. Gibson, the Balliol scholar, and was largely due to the 
support of Mr. H. M. Punnett. A striking incident marked its 
erection. It was the Lent term, once odious to school-boys. 
The walls had just reached their full height and were ready 
for the roof, when, one Sunday afternoon, a wind from the 
north-west levelled them to the ground one after another. 
Great was the excitement of the boys who had seen one wall 
down, and the masters could hardly keep them from standing 
nearly under the building to watch the other swaying and 
cracking and ready to follow its fellow. But the inexorable 
bell rang for chapel, they had to leave the fascinating sight, 
and when they rushed out after chapel, the gymnasium was a 
heap of bricks. The misfortune was not without its good 
results, as a building somewhat unsightly at the best was then 
improved by the addition of buttresses. A workshop was added 
to it on the east, and the old workshop became a science 

The increasing numbers of boarders, which had overflowed 
the school house, put before the governing body the choice of 
either adding to the existing buildings or seeking fresh accom- 
modation elsewhere, or, as they had done with fatal effect in 
Mr. Grundy's case, declining to accept the offered increase. 
This last was not to be thought of, since increased numbers, 
up to at least 300, a number which Warwick has not yet 
shown signs of passing, are synonymous with increased effi- 
ciency. Numbers are not everything, but, up to a certain 
point, numbers make it easier to provide the different kinds of 
special training needed in the schools of the present day. The 


greater the number of forms and sets, the more homogeneous 
is it possible to make each form or set, and the easier it 
should be to maintain both classical and modern ' sides ' and 
special ' sets ' in full efficiency. 

A house was therefore taken temporarily, in 1888, in the 
Emscote Road, and put under the charge of Mr. Page, who 
already had had experience in a private school. In the autumn 
an urgent appeal was made to the governing body to undertake 
the erection of a new boarding-house on some land belonging to 
King Henry vm.'s trustees which adjoined the school property, 
and was in the market. They declined to undertake the risk. 
So it came about, as it usually does in such cases, as the history 
of Uppingham under Thring, of Bedford under Phillpotts, are 
salient but by no means unique examples, that the headmaster 
had to take up the task. Unable to persuade any one else to 
make the venture, he resolved to build himself, on the terms 
that when he left Warwick the governing body should have 
the right of pre-emption. The land was bought from the 
trustees of King Henry vm.'s charity — it might properly 
have been given — by May 1889 the house was completed, and 
occupied in September of the same year. 

It was called the Junior House, and was intended to receive 
all the smaller boys, so that they might be under a milder 
rdgime by themselves. Mr. Page, whose breezy, cheery per- 
sonality and great interest in the life of boys, especially their 
games, and sound common sense were a great help to the work 
of the school, was placed in charge. 

An old boy writes : 'When I went into the house in 1891, 
besides the headmaster, Mr. Page, and his wife, there was an 
assistant master, Mr. C. C. Abbott, and a lady matron. There 
were about -10 boys. At night Mr. Page used to go about in 
felt slippers with a benzoline lamp and a glass shade, and if he 
saw the clothes of a bed disarranged, used to make his cane 
descend vigorously in situ. Often he would say " Get out," 
and sometimes, but by no means always, " Put your dressing- 
gown on," and cane the suspect youth over his knees. The 
prefects, too, used to have wholesale executions for any dis- 
turbances in dormitories.' There was also caning in lieu of 
'lines,' 6 strokes = 300 lines. Yet the same authority records 



i — i 


DR. WAY'S DAY 235 

that ' dormitory contests were frequent.' So the methods 
were not too Spartan for the spirits of these juniors. 

Mr. Page was also instructor in theology, in which his 
method was racy and effective. It was pictorial, on the 
model of Rows, who, when he wished to record that Thomas 
Beauchamp was King Henry vi.'s guardian and rebuilder of St. 
Mary's, depicted him with a small king seated on one hand 
and a tiny church on the other. So, if Mr. Page wanted to im- 
press the story of Balaam, an ass appeared on the blackboard, 
and if that of Daniel, a lion, and so on. Hence it happened 
that in a Junior Oxford local examination one of the small 
boys, in answer to the question, ' Give a sketch of the life of 
Jehu/ delighted the examiners by drawing a horse's head. 

The Junior House had the intended effect, and in January 
1895 the school reached 168. 

On 16 May 1896, to the dismay and regret of boys, masters, 
and governors, Mr. Way resigned the headmastership of War- 
wick, on appointment as headmaster of Rossall, and left at 
the end of the summer term. At Rossall he has been as 
successful in acquiring the confidence of parents as he had 
been at Warwick, and the school flourishes abundantly under 
his auspices, among other things the number of scholarships 
at the universities rising from an average of three to an average 
of close on five a year. 

The Rev. Robert Percival Brown was the next headmaster 
of Warwick. He was a ' Pauline ' of the early days after the 
removal of that famous school from its old site by St. Paul's 
Cathedral to its present spacious quarters in Hammersmith. 
Thence he won a scholarship at Trinity College, Cambridge, 
and in due course was, in 1884, placed in the first class in the 
classical tripos. Like Dr. Way, he began his scholastic career 
as an assistant-master at Marlborough College, but after a year 
there, went to King William's College, Isle of Man. He be- 
came, in 1887, headmaster of the newly reorganised Kendal 
Grammar School, and then was for five years headmaster of the 
Royal Naval College, Eltham. Mr. Brown's time is too recent to 
be made the subject of history. For reasons which it would 
be difficult to set out, if indeed they are exactly ascertain- 


able, the school experienced a serious decline in numbers under 
him. There was no deficiency in skill or labour on the part of 
the headmaster, nor in results, as shown by successes in the 
Oxford local examinations or at the universities themselves. 
In 1902, when the school numbered under 70 boys, it won four 
scholarships or exhibitions at Oxford and Cambridge. But the 
school house, which was full with 70 boarders in 1896, had 
fallen to 35 in 1902. At the Junior House there was an even 
more serious drop to 4, and the day-boys also declined in 

Undoubtedly one cause which contributed to the falling off 
of the day-boys was the re-organisation of the Middle School, 
which took place on the resignation of the old headmaster 
there only a week before that of Dr. Way. The school, which 
had been, what it was intended to be, a kind of 'higher 
elementary ' school, was now converted into a ' school of 
science ' in the nomenclature of the Department of Science and 
Art, then nominally a branch but really an independent off- 
shoot of the Education Department. By the aid of the 
Departments' grants and by assistance from the Warwickshire 
County Council the school now put itself forward in competi- 
tion with the Grammar School for the local boys, a competi- 
tion which the perhaps somewhat too severely classical tone 
imputed to Mr. Brown served to enhance. But that was not 
the sole cause. The causes of the success of one man and the 
failure of another as headmaster of a secondary school, and 
the causes of the success and failure of the same man at two 
different schools, are so complicated by personal, local, and 
often trivial and accidental circumstances, that it is an idle 
and a thankless task to trace them out in detail. 



With the removal of the school to its present site, with its 
spacious cricket field, at first 12, and now 18 acres, a new 
era of athletic development began. 


From 1883 matches have been played continuously against 
King Edward's School, Birmingham, and Trinity College, 
Stratford. Matches with Bromsgrove Grammar School were 
first arranged in 1891, with Leamington College (now extinct) 
in 1890, with St. Edward's School, Oxford, in 1897, and with 
Eeading School in 1903. 

In 1884 twenty matches were played, of which 9 were won, 
5 lost, and 6 drawn. The victories included two handsome 
defeats of Trinity College, Stratford, by an innings and 81 
runs, and by ten wickets respectively. A. N". Johnson in 
bowling, and E. Johnson in both bowling and batting, were 
the chief performers. 

The inclusion of the Eev. F. G. Page in the staff, in 1886, 
greatly improved the school cricket. He was a fine free-hitting 
batsman with a powerful drive, an excellent wicket-keeper, 
and a bowler by no means to be despised as his performance 
against Dorridge in 1890 proves, when he secured 5 wickets 
for 9 runs. A characteristic story is told of him that when 
playing for Leamington v. M.C.C. he was asked to keep wicket. 
As he was going into the field he was requested to captain the 
team, and at once took off his pads and wicket-keeping gloves 
with the remark that now he was captain he was going on to 
bowl — and he did very successfully. Several big hits of his 
are remembered, notably one from the centre of the ground 
hard against Big School. 



The 'professional' who coached the boys from 1886 to 
1890 was Shore. He was a fine bowler and three times in 
one season did the 'hat trick' against club teams; but he 
was greatest as an umpire. Once when asked by our captain 
whether two of his decisions against our opponents were not 
rather doubtful, his answer was, ' No, sir ; quite right. They 
cheated out one of our men, and I always gives out two of 
theirs for it.' In 1902-3 we possessed another character, 
Horton, who eked out his exiguous earnings by selling to the 
boys innumerable photographs of himself in all conceivable 

The XI. of 1888 included several names that became 
famous in our cricket annals. Of 0. E. Hayden, the captain, 
it is difficult to say whether his batting or his bowling was 
the more useful. He had a steady defence, and could hit well 
all round the wicket ; but his most characteristic stroke was 
a beautifully executed off-drive. He bowled medium to fast 
with a rather curious action. In 1889 and 1890, he took 
21 wickets for an average of 5*5, and 52 at an average of 
7*1 respectively, and his batting average in 1890 was 21 "7. 

R. Challoner was, perhaps, the best bowler the school has 
ever produced — left-hand medium with some break either 
way. His batting was often effective when runs were badly 
wanted, though his style was not of a high order. Against 
Warwickshire Club, in 1890, when the school won an exciting 
match by 90 to 85, he took 6 wickets for 34 runs. Two days 
later, against K.E.S., Birmingham, he captured 6 wickets for 
13. His record for that year was 51 wickets at an average 
cost of 8*4, which he reduced in the following year to 7"3. 
Challoner was an equally famous member of the school Rugby 
XV. He afterwards played cricket for New South Wales in 
1902, and in 1901 represented Australia against an English 
Uugby Football team. 

W. K. Tarver was a pretty bat, with excellent defence and 
remarkable punishing power for one so young. He was also 
very quick in the field, and a useful bowler. On several 
occasions he was instrumental in carrying the total over the 
century for the first wicket. Amongst his most notable per- 
formances may be mentioned 165 against Trinity College, 









Stratford, in 1899; 118 against the Warwickshire Crusaders 
in 1890 ; and 113 not out against Leamington College in 1891. 
In this last year his batting average reached 44. 

H. 0. Arton, a hard hitter with a beautiful cut, scored 76 
out of 1 1 8 recorded for the first wicket, against Leamington 
College in 1891, and made 123 against Mr. Goff's team. 
Another century was made the same year for the Present v. 
Past by E. S. Jerdein, who scored 110 not out. 

The record of matches for 1889 was 9 won, 2 lost, 4 drawn ; 
for 1890, 9 won, 4 lost, 4 drawn; for 1891, 9 won, 3 lost, 6 
drawn. But even these excellent results were surpassed in 
1892, when the summary reads 11 won, 1 drawn, 1 tie, and 
2 lost. One of the losses was to the Warwickshire Club 
and Ground. They sent down a very strong team including 
Pallett, at that time one of the best slow bowlers in 
England, and on the sticky wicket he proved quite un- 
playable, the school compiling only 52 against 179. The 
greatest victory of that year was won in a return match 
against King Edward's School, Birmingham, who made 73, 
while Warwick made 240 for 5 wickets (A. H. Mann 100 not 
out, V. A. S. Keighley 50, E. S. Jerdein 43). They had been 
beaten in the first match by 143 to 77, Jerdein on that occa- 
sion making 73. In a low scoring match won against Trinity 
College, Stratford, some remarkable bowling was done for us 
by H. Howell, who took 6 wickets for 10 runs in the first 
innings of T. C. S., and 4 for 11 in the second, whilst E. S. 
Jerdein in the second innings got 6 for 11. The most exciting, 
match of the year was against Wellesbourne Cricket Club ; 
each side made 99, and the last Wellesbourne man was bowled 
with the last ball of the last over before the time of drawing 

In 1893 Mann scored 79, not out, against Leamington 
College, and improved on this against Birmingham by keeping 
them in the field while he made 93. 

The record year of all was 1894. Of 17 matches 13 were 
won, 2 drawn, and only 2 lost. W. Coles headed the batting 
averages with 26, and as a bowler took 60 wickets at 8*16, 
while A. L. Baines accounted for 73 at an average cost 
of 7-4. 


The next year, 1895, was statistically remarkable for its 
evenness of result, 5 matches being won, 5 lost, and 6 drawn. 
A centenarian appeared in A. S. Hewitt who, making 104, 
with H. T. Baines's 75, helped to inflict a crushing defeat on 
our old rivals at Stratford. 

The season of 1896 was one of close finishes. The match 
with Bromsgrove was won by 1 run — 129 against 128; the 
match against K.E.S., Birmingham, was lost by 2 ; Jesus 
College, Oxford, was defeated by 8 ; the 2nd XL played 
with the Old Edwardians' 2nd XL a tie of 73 runs each. 
H. T. Baines was at the head of the batting averages with 
24*2. He more than doubled this in 1897 with the record 
average of 51. That his hitting was as powerful as his de- 
fence was sound, was proved by his making 100 out of 155 in 
the Past v. Present match of this year. 

Playing against K.E.S., Birmingham, in 1897, R. C. Merry- 
weather took 6 wickets for 4 runs, and F. C. Van Cortlandt 
3 wickets for 5. 

From this year onwards, owing to declining numbers, the 
school cricket suffered an eclipse, more matches being lost than 
won, though there have been several notable achievements. 
The best cricketers of 1902 were E. C. Wroth and W. E. Hunt. 
The former had an average of 2 4 "5 with a highest score 
of 82. He was a fearless hitter, and perfectly imperturbable 
from the moment he left the pavilion, with one hand in his 
pocket and a straw in his mouth, till he lost his wicket. Hunt 
had the excellent analysis of 62 wickets for 8*8 runs apiece. 

E. H. Clutterbuck was the hero of an exciting match with 
St. Edward's School, Oxford, in 1903, in which he made 108 
out of 240 for six wickets. The last Oxford wicket fell at 
166 at the last ball but one of the last over. This success 
Clutterbuck followed up by scoring 85 against the Warwick- 
shire Gentlemen, who were beaten by 255 to 59. 

Last year, 1905, with increased numbers in the school, the 
number of wins increased to five against seven losses. This 
was mainly due to R. E. Partridge who batted with the 
greatest steadiness ; he five times made over 50 in an innings, 
and headed the averages with 3 3 8. 

Amongst noteworthy performances, besides those already 


recorded, may be mentioned the feat of R. Johnson and 
H. Lowe, who, playing for Present v. Past in 1883, put on 185 
runs for the first wicket. Lowe made 117, and Johnson 77. 
In the same season W. Walker took nine wickets for 1 run 
in the second innings of Stratford Grammar School. The 
total score of Stratford was 4. Johnson in 1885 made 123, 
not out, against Wellesbourne Club. In 1889, W. M. Carnegie, 
playing against Stratford Grammar School, took seven wickets 
for 2 runs ; and next year against Coventry School 0. E. 
Hayden in the two innings got 8 for 1 6, and R. Challoner 1 1 
for 18. 

For the encouragement of an unselfish style of batting the 
Hon. R. H. Lyttelton presented a challenge cup in 1890 for 
the highest batting average in which ' not out ' innings were 
counted as completed; while to stimulate the rising talent 
the Rev. J. P. Way instituted prizes for the best bowling 
and fielding below the first eleven. Mr. J. W. Liddell, who 
did much to foster the games, used to give a bat for every 
innings of over 50 made in a second eleven match ; and in 
1900 added to his kindness by presenting a challenge cup 
for fielding to be competed for by those who had played in 
the first eleven. 


A school in Warwickshire naturally plays the Rugby game 
at football, with the usual fifteen a side for matches. The 
list of schools played at football is the same as for 
cricket, and the alternations of fortune have been curiously 
similar. The high-water mark of success was reached in the 
season 1894-5, when eleven matches were won and two lost, 
the points scored for the school being 182 against 44. The 
two defeats were, by 2 points (Trinity College, Stratford), and 
by 1 (Lincoln College, Oxford). The captain of the team was 
A. S. Hewitt, an invaluable three-quarter, running and 
tackling well, and passing most unselfishly. L. F. Cass was 
the best of a fine set of forwards. A peculiar feature of the 
season was the fact that in almost every match the team 
started indifferently, allowing their opponents to score first. 



Probably the heaviest score ever made by the school team 
was in 1883-4, when it beat Birmingham Five Ways by 14 
goals and 2 tries to nil. A fine display of place-kicking 
was witnessed in 1884 against Daventry School, 17 tries 
producing 10 goals; and in 1889, when out of 15 tries 
obtained, 12 goals were kicked. In 1894 H. T. Baines, whose 
cool and accurate kicking was a considerable factor in the 
success of that season, placed 7 goals in 8 shots against 
Newcastle High School. 

Some records were established in 1891. Both Trinity 
College, Stratford, and K.E.S., Birmingham, were twice 
beaten, the latter on one occasion by over 40 points, and 
Leamington College by 40. With Bromsgrove honours were 
as usual equal. This was 0. P. Arton's year, a reckless half- 
back, who would cheerfully risk his neck to gain an inch of 
ground, and employed his leisure moments in kicking his 
forwards into the scrummage. 

All school matches were won in 1892, except for one draw 
with Trinity College. With Bromsgrove in 1896 occurred a 
tine win. They were 11 points to the good till the last 
quarter of the game, when Warwick pulled itself together, 
and after a furious struggle secured 13 points without further 
loss. N. N. Wade, who figured on this occasion, afterwards 
played for Edinburgh University. 

From 1899 a series of disastrous seasons has been lightened 
only by an occasional success. It would seem easy to count 
accurately up to fifteen, but we find that once in a match with 
Coventry School two tries were obtained by us before it was 
discovered that our opponents were playing only twelve men ; 
and three of ours were withdrawn. In the same year the 
Old Warwickians played sixteen for a time till the excess 
was observed. 

In the Lent term it was customary to play Association 
' Sevens/ every boy in the school being enrolled in one seven, 
and these produced a good deal of excitement. On one 
occasion sixteen teams were arranged. But since the sub- 
division of the school into four 'Houses' in 1896, house 
matches have superseded them ; and a similar system has 
been introduced into the cricket and hockey. 











Athletic Sports. 

The first athletic sports were held in 1876 on the town 
cricket ground, and were promoted by Drs. Bullock and 
Nunn. The name of the former is a household word in 
Warwick Athletics, all his sons having greatly distinguished 
themselves in the playing fields. In the recent Boer war, A. 
H. Bullock, serving in Col. Plumer's force, was shot in the leg 
whilst reconnoitring a Boer position. By a strange coincidence 
three of his comrades were also similarly maimed. It is said 
that immediately after they had been placed in hospital 
Bullock arranged a hundred yards' race between them to be 
run off in a month from that date — a striking instance of the 
family devotion to the running track. 

Since their institution athletic sports have been held 
annually, originally at the beginning of the summer, but 
afterwards, with two exceptions, in the end of the Lent term. 
The records in the sports stand at present as follows : — 





100 Yards, . . 

10| sees. 


L. Richardson. 

£-Mile, .... 

f 49| sees.* 
\ 54f sees. 


A. E. Bullock. 


R. Challoner. 

Hurdles, . . . 

17f sees. 


A. Addenbrooke. 

High Jump, . . 

5 ft. 3 ins. 


JR. H. Daunt. 
\V. A. Keighley. 

Long Jump, . . 

19 ft. 1 in. 

J 1893 

R. H. Daunt. 
A. Addenbrooke. 

One Mile, . . . 

4 m. 57^ sees. 


K. W. Barlee. 

Throwing the\ 
Cricket Ball, J ' 

105 Yards 


L. Richardson. 

* [The course was found on subsequent measurement by the Amateur 
Athletic Association to have been seven yards short on this occasion.] 

A challenge cup is given for the largest number of points 
obtained in these events, to be held for a year. This was won 
by R Challoner, for the third time in succession, in 1891. 

The school has been more successful in athletics than in 
other things in producing blues. While no cricketer or foot- 


bailer has represented the university, E. A. Wilding ran the 
hundred for Cambridge in 1895 ; and G. W. Clark threw the 
hammer for Oxford in 1899 and 1900. 

K. W. Barlee represented Trinity College, Dublin, in the 
half-mile in the same years. 

Minor Sports. 

The neighbourhood of Warwick is especially favourable for 
paper chases, and they have occupied the energies of the boys 
in a desultory fashion as far back as we have records. But in 
1897 they were systematised, and a house competition held in 
them. The runs are three in number. There is no limit to 
the number of entries of boys over 14 years of age, who are 
certified by the doctor to be in sufficient health, but only the 
first five of each house are counted, and the championship 
goes to the house with the smallest number of points. This 
carries with it the retention of the challenge cup, given by the 
masters, for one year. These runs have been in abeyance for 
the last two or three years, but they will shortly be resumed. 

Amongst the minor games of the school are hockey and 
fives. The former was played in the early Way period in the 
Lent term ; but during an outburst of football enthusiasm, a 
successful agitation was started by 0. P. Arton for its abolition 
in favour of the nobler game. It was revived in the more 
scientific form now played in the Lent term, 1902, with great 
success. The same term is also dedicated to fives, for which a 
tournament is held, singles and doubles. A challenge cup was 
given for the singles in 1901 by D. L. H. Mercer, an old 
enthusiast at the game, provoking keen competition. 

The swimming sports were of old held in the river opposite 
the school at an early hour in the morning; but, as this 
shocked the susceptibilities of some good people, they were 
transferred to the baths. For the last two years the Leaming- 
ton Baths have been retained for them at an hour which 
makes it possible to secure a large concourse of spectators. 
Proficiency in the art of swimming is encouraged by competi- 
tion for the Rainbow Challenge Cup, which is held for one 
year by the winner of the 150 yards open race. This cup was 


instituted in memory of an old master who in New Zealand 
gallantly sacrificed his own life in trying to save two boys 
who were drowning, he himself being unable to swim. 

A gymnastic competition was instituted in 1903, and Mrs 
Bourchier kindly presented a challenge cup in 1904. Appro- 
priately enough it was won both in that year and in 1905 by 
L. C. Bourchier. The first six in the competition form the 
gymnastic six, and wear colours presented to them with the 
prizes. A permanent drill and gymnastic instructor has now 
been secured in Sergeant Summers, and his keenness and 
energy are already bearing good fruit. 

The Cadet Corps, attached to the second volunteer battalion 
of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment, dates from 1884. In 
its first year of existence it numbered only thirty-seven, and 
was divided into two sections, the seniors and the juniors. 
The seniors were provided with full uniform, and enrolled in 
the Warwick volunteer company ; the juniors had to content 
themselves merely with caps. Great improvements were 
effected by the appointment of Mr. J. W. Forbes to the 
command in 1894. The boys were inspired with his own 
extraordinary enthusiasm, and the strength of the corps was 
raised till it contained practically every boy in the school who 
reached the prescribed standard of height and age. In 1899 
it became a separate Cadet Company, with complete uniform 
and equipment, and began to take part in Public School field- 
days and camps. It has since remained one of the most 
popular of school institutions. Morris-tube shooting is now 
practised at a miniature range in the gymnasium, and rifle- 
shooting on the range at Wedgnock Park. The best shot holds 
the Lakin Challenge Bowl for one year, and he is presented 
with a model of it. 



The Rev. William Theodore Keeling was appointed head- 
master in November, and took over the charge of the school 
after Christmas 1902. 

Mr. Keeling is himself the son of a headmaster whose name 
is famous in the North of England — the Rev. William Hulton 
Keeling, who in 1871 became headmaster of Bradford 
Grammar School, one of the first schools re-organised by the 
Endowed Schools Commissioners. There, with the minimum 
of aid from endowment, and, at times, the maximum of 
opposition from some quarters, he attracted and has steadily 
maintained a school of some 500 boys, whose achievements 
have been remarkable alike in the classical, the mathematical, 
and the scientific spheres. The number of assistant masters 
whom he has sent forth as headmasters to other schools is legion, 
an excellent proof of his skill as commander-in-chief in the 
choice of his subordinates. If, therefore, there is anything in 
heredity, and if the inherited faculties and experience of the 
parent make any impression on the mind of the child, the 
present headmaster of Warwick is destined to command 
success. He was himself brought up at Bradford School, and 
won a leaving exhibition thence, and an open scholarship at 
Jesus College, Cambridge. There he obtained a second class 
in both the classical and theological tripos. After 2 years at 
Liverpool, and 4 years at Epsom College as an assistant master, 
he became second master at Weymouth College for a year, 
before obtaining his present post. 

The new headmaster found that some improvements in the 
school buildings were already being made. They consisted of 
two blocks. Six studies, each containing accommodation for 
three of the elder boys, were built against the west wall of the 


The Rev. William Theodore Keeling. 

Headmaster 1902. 

TO-DAY 247 

big school, between it and the dining-hall, with facilities for 
those ■ brews' of tea and cocoa which are dear to the schoolboy 
heart. The second block is even more congenial. The old 
one-story building at the end of the corridor opposite the 
science room has been pulled down and a two-story building 
takes its place. On the ground floor is (1) a much improved 
playbox room, (2) a music room, also used as a vestry for the 
chapel, (3) a lavatory with tiled floor and eight basins pro- 
vided with hot and cold water. On the first floor, to which 
access is had by a new and spacious pitch-pine staircase, are 
(1) five bath-rooms on the latest and most approved plan, (2) 
two music-practising rooms, (3) a room with apparatus for 
drying jerseys, etc., after football, (4) master's bedroom and 
sitting-room. Members of past generations of Warwick boys, 
who remember with a shudder the cold inconvenience of 
coming down the stone staircase and along the lengthy 
corridor every time they had a bath, will envy the present 
generation's luxurious combination of comfort and cleanliness. 
At a recent meeting of headmasters at Warwick, a well-known 
headmaster remarked that the only fault to be found there 
was that parents were given too much for their money. 

In the spring of 1905 the governors, on the representation 
of the headmaster, undertook the erection of a new science 
school instead of the two class-rooms, which are found quite 
inadequate for that first-class scientific education which, with- 
out neglecting the classics, Warwick Grammar School now 
provides. Mr. Trepess, of Warwick, is the architect. On the 
ground floor there are to be chemical and physical labora- 
tories, lecture theatre, ^balance-room, and experiment pre- 
paration room, while upstairs there will be two large 
class-rooms, and complete accommodation for two resident 
masters. This building will be ready for use in 1906. 

The chapel has been further beautified by filling the east 
window with stained glass, designed by Mr. Henry Holliday. 
The central light was put in in memory of Cecil Meiggs ; the 
tracery at the top of the window was given by the governors. 
The window represents scenes from the life of Christ, that with 
the Doctors in the Temple being appropriately conspicuous. 

A memorial brass has been placed on the north wall of the 


chancel to the memory of those four members of the school 
who died in South Africa in the years 1900-1903, with the 
inscription — 







A litany desk, with similar inscription, forms part of the 
same memorial. 

Of the choir, some twenty are now habited in surplice and 
cassock, while others are probationers. One of the smallest 
aspirants for full choral vesture asked the music master 
plaintively : ' Please, sir ! am I an incubator still ? ' while 
another inquired if it was necessary for him to put on his 
Jmssock for practices. 

The high standard of work set during previous years has 
been maintained. The science will be more than equal to all 
the demands of the neighbouring University of Birmingham 
when the new science school is completed. Additional atten- 
tion is being given to modern languages. Cambridge Univer- 
sity, with two Warwick boys among the Wranglers of 1905, 
witnesses that mathematics are already efficiently taught. At 
the same time, Oxford University can bear evidence that the 
school still performs the functions of the old classical grammar 
schools, for in 1904 more distinctions were gained in Latin 
and Greek, in the Junior Oxford Local Examinations, by 
Warwick than by any other school. 

'Howlers,' of course, occur, and two of recent date, per- 
petrated by a VI. form boy are too good to be lost. Horace's 
1 Care Maacenas eques ' was rendered ' Take care of the horses, 
Maecenas'; while ' regio deserta siti' (Virgil) was translated 
■ Deserted by a royal thirst.' 

TO-DAY 249 

Emphasis should be laid on the fact that although the 
school still maintains its cosmopolitan character — at the pre- 
sent time the boarders include boys from India, Burmah, West 
Australia, Demerara, St. Kitts, South Africa, and Java — yet it 
is a Warwickshire and Midland School, two-thirds of the whole 
number (110) of boys in it being drawn from the town and 
county. They are eligible for the major scholarships given by 
the Warwickshire County Council, tenable at any higher place 
of education, which form a valuable supplement to the Fulke 
Weale Exhibition, which is awarded annually to the best 
scholar in the school on the result of the Oxford and Cam- 
bridge Board Examination for higher certificates. 

The Museum, for which funds are slowly accumulating, has 
lately received a very important addition, in the present, from 
the Warwickshire Natural History Society, of about 150 birds 
from all parts of the world, for which cases and stands have 
been provided by Mr. G-ibbins, of Ettington Hall. 

The school societies are all healthy and vigorous. During 
the last two years bicycle and chess clubs, and a fire-brigade, 
have been started. These, together with the Natural History 
Society, the Photographic Society, and the Shakespeare 
Society, contribute much to the life and welfare of the school. 

Two real wants still remain to be supplied — a swimming 
bath and an enlarged pavilion ; both, it is to be hoped, will ere 
long be provided through the generosity of the friends of the 
school and Old Warwickians. For not the least of the institu- 
tions of the school is the Old Warwickian Club, the present 
flourishing state of which owes much to the zealous and 
untiring exertions of Mr. W. V. P. Hexter, now an assistant 
master at the King's School, Ely. Especially is any one 
interested in this history bound to pray for his and its good 

Space permits no more than a mere mention of the two 
other schools which the scheme of 1876 grafted on the old School 
foundation. As Eve was taken out of the side of Adam of 
old, so the Girls' School was carved out of the Boys' Grammar 
School. This modern Eve was at once given a separate 
estate, being endowed with £400 a year and the house in East 
Gate, then used for the modern department of the Boys' 
School. According to the scheme, the Girls' School was 


intended to be the counterpart, not of the Grammar School, 
but of the Middle School. But no third-grade Girls' School 
has ever yet been successfully attempted. In point of fact, the 
Girls' School, though its fees have been on the lower level of £4 
to £6, 10s., has been on the educational level of the Grammar 
rather than of that of the Middle School. Opened in the 
spring of 1879, under the headmistress-ship of Miss M. J. 
Fisher, it now contains 254 girls, whose wants are ably pro- 
vided for by Miss Lea, of Girton College, Cambridge, and a 
Wrangler in the Mathematical Tripos. 

The Middle School has already been incidentally men- 
tioned. It now receives £260 a year from the endowment 
of the King's School, and from Sir Thomas White's charity 
£26, 16s. 8d. It occupies a new building on a somewhat 
cramped site in the Butts, opposite the now vacant space 
where the ' King's Newe Scole of Warwyke ' stood for nearly 
200 years. Under Mr. H. S. Pyne, a graduate of Trinity 
College, Dublin, it contains some 180 boys. As the fees 
are only £4 a year, it subsists mainly on grants from the 
Warwickshire County Council and the Board of Education. 
It is sometimes, but wrongly, called the County School. 
Its proper title, the Middle School, more aptly indicates 
its sphere, intermediate between the Elementary School and 
the Grammar School. 

The parent school, the King's Grammar School, remains, as 
probably it has always been throughout its long career of 
close on 1000 years, almost wholly self-supporting. Accord- 
ing to the scheme of 1875, it should have received £800 a 
year, though half of that was to be consumed in scholarships 
and exhibitions. But the whole endowment available for 
maintenance of the three schools was only about £750. Out 
of this the Middle School, until 1899, received close on, and 
the Girls' School rather more than, £400 a year. Conse- 
quently nothing was left for the Grammar School. It was 
therefore maintained out of the profits of boarders and the 
fees of those parents of the town and neighbourhood who are 
wise enough to give their sons the best education within their 
reach. The scholarships and exhibitions were found by borrow- 
ing, to be repaid out of the quinquennial payments from Sir 






TO-DAY 251 

Thomas White's charity. In the lean years a crisis seemed 
imminent, but under the present headmaster the school rose 
from 55 to 110, with sure promise of further increment. 

A Latin Carmen set to music by Mr. J. Hanorth, F.I.G.C.M., 
the school organist and music master, has been written for the 
school to sing at the Warwick Pageant in 1906, for the incep- 
tion of which Warwick is largely indebted to Mr. Keeling. 


Gaudeamus nos alumni, 
Quod per infinita saecla 
Schola perduravit ipsa. 
Floret atque floreat 
Schola Warwicensis. 

Condidit regina pulclira, 
Tradidit chartas equester, 
Donat Henricus secundus. 
Floret atque floreat 
Schola Warwicensis. 

Voce laeta concinamus, 
Hoc loco nunc congregati 
Per domos eras dissipati. 
Floret atque floreat 
Schola Warwicensis. 

Haec domus duret per aevum, 
Floreant omnes alumni, 
Floreant semper magistri. 
Floret atque floreat 
Schola Warwicensis. 

And so we leave this most ancient school, hoping that 
its good administration and prosperity will always be as 
much a matter of concern to the good people of Warwick 
and Warwickshire, its Earls and their ladies, and other 
authorities, spiritual and temporal, in the days of King 
Edward vii., as it is shown to have been to their prede- 
cessors in the days of King Henry viii., of King Henry n. 
and of King Edward the Confessor. 


Abbott, C. C., 234. 

Abbott, Evelyn, 219. 

Abingdon Chronicle, 19. 

Account Roll of St. Mary's, 87. 

Accounts, Bailiff's, 121, 145. 

Adams, Serjeant, 170. 

Addenbrooke, A., 243. 

Adhelm, Abbot of Abingdon, 19, 20. 

Agnes, daughter of Earl of Warwick, 3. 

Alcuin, 78. 

Alfred, King, 9. 

Algar, Earl, 16. 

Allesley Grammar School, 206. 

All Saints' Church, 2-6, 26, 27, 28, 30-33. 

prebendaries of, 35. 

property of, 35. 

(1859), 195. 

Almore, William, 146. 
Ahvyn the Sheriff, 17. 
Anselm, 20. 

Apperley, Charles, 156. 
Archdeacou of Bucks, 39. 

Worcester, 24, 30, 39. 

Archdeacons, jurisdiction of, 39. 
Arden, Siward of, 19, 23, 25, 32. 
Armaudson, John, 72. 
Arnold, Dr., 175, 178, 190. 

Matthew, 176. 

Tom, 176. 

Arton, H. O., 239. 

O. P., 242, 244. 

Athelstan, 9. 
Athletic Sports, 243. 
Audeley, Henry, 94. 
Augustinian Canons, 28. 

Bablake Hospital, 205. 

School, 113, 163, 205. 

Bain, John, 229. 
Baines, A. L., 239. 

H. T., 240, 242. 

Bakers' ordinances, 118. 

Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

Baly, James, Archdeacon, 159. 
Baring-Gould, Sabine, 187. 
Barlee, K. W., 243, 244. 
Barre, Master Gerald, 9. 
Barring-out, 145. 
Barton, Hugh, 128. 
Basset, Philip, 67. 

Reginald, 67. 

Thomas, 67. 

Bassett, William, 51, 67. 
Bath and Wells, Bishop of, 46. 
Bazaar in 1893, 231. 
Beachcroft, Sir Melvill, 231. 
Beauchamp, Richard, 55, 82, 83. 

Earl Thomas, 46, 49, 96. 

William of, 42. 

Sir William, of Elmsley, 50. 

Chapel, 55. 

Beaumont, Roger de, 17, 24, 32. 
Becket, Thomas, 30 n. y 80. 
Bedford, burh at, 10, 11. 

Collegiate Church at, 12. 

tithe of, 34. 

Bekynton, Thomas, 80. 
Belt, Margaret, 122. 

Richard, 122. 

Benekastre, Alan of, 53. 
Berkeswell, Sir William, 58, 83. 
Besseford, John, 58. 
Beverley Minster, canons at, 41, 48, 56. 

schoolmaster at, 70. 

Bevington, John, 83. 

Bickmore, Mr., 215. 

Bilson, John, 125, 128. 

Birmingham, King Edward's School, 218, 

Black Book of Warwick, 111, 114. 
Black Death, 72. 
Blois, Henry of, 69. 
Bloxidge, J. B., 180. 




Boarders, 149, 154, 157, 158, 174, 178, 

193, 201, 217, 221, 233. 
Boniface, Pope, 50. 
Boole, John, 90. 
Bordesley, Convent of, 40. 
Bortona, R. de, 32. 
Boucher, J. S., 180. 
Boudier, George, 186. 

Mr., 186. 

Boultbee, Mrs., 231. 
Bourchier, L. C, 245. 

Mrs., 245. 

Bowen, A. E., 204. 

Boy Bishop, 89. 

Bradford Grammar School, 246. 

Braybrooke, Lord, 77. 

Breslau, schools at, 75. 

Bridgnorth, burh at, 9. 

Collegiate Church at, 12, 13. 

Brito, Nicholas, 42, 52. 

Broke, Thomas, 100. 

Brome, John, 101. 

Bromsgrove Grammar School, 237, 242. 

Brooke, Earl, charity of, 200, 202. 

Fulke, Lord, 143, 146. 

Lord, 209. 

Robert Greville, Lord, 139. 

Lord Willoughby de, 146. 

Brooks, Joseph, 151. 
Brown, J. Archibald, 206. 

Robert Percival, 232, 235. 

Buckingham, burh at, 10, 11. 

Bucks, Archdeacon of, 39. 

Bucwell, John of, 76. 

Budbrook, church of, 35, 40, 42, 46, 149. 

rectory of, 56, 104. 

vicarage of, 94. 

Budford, tithes of, 10. 
Bullock, A. E., 243. 

A. 11., 243. 

Dr., 243. 

Burford, 34. 

Burgers' Hall, 111,115. 119. 

Burges, Thomas, 112. 

Burhs, 7, 9, 10, 11. 

Burly, John, bd. 

Busby, Thomas, charity of, 200. 

Butcher, Richard, 128. 

Butler, Hon. Henry, 181. 

John, 115. 

Cambridge, 10. 

wranglers at, 248. 

Camden, William, 126. 

Canterbury, Baldwin, Archbishop of, 


Hubert, Archbishop of, 40, 46. 

King's School, 1, 76. 

St. Martin's School, 76. 

Carnegie, W. M., 241. 

Carter, William, 131. 

Case, Rev. F., 204. 

Cass, L. F., 241. 

Catesby, Richard, 53, 93. 

Cauville, M., 180. 

Chaddesley Corbet, rectory of, 50, 104, 

Challoner, R., 238, 241, 243. 
Chambers, E. K., The Mediaeval Stage, 

89 ft. 
Chancellor in Collegiate Churches, 62. 
Chancery proceedings, 132, 135, 141, 151, 

153, 171. 
Chantries Act, 95. 

of Edward VI., 100. 

Chantry Certificate for Warwickshire, 

Chapel, the, 229, 247. 
Charity Commission Scheme, 198-203. 
Charlcote, 34. 

Roger of, 40. 

Charles I., visit of, 135. 
Chester, Bishop of, 2. 

See of, 3. 

Chesterton, 19, 20, 26. 
Chichester Cathedral, 48. 

Prebendal School, 128. 

Chirbury, 10. 

Choristers, 51, 88, 230, 248. 

Christie, Rev. E. R, 218. 

Clark, G. W., 244. 

Clarke, Mr., 124. 

Cleeve Church, 44. 

Clinton, Geoffrey of, 23. 

Clonmacnoise, seven churches at, 41. 

Clutterbuck, E. H., 240. 

Cok, Robert, 99. 

Coke, John, 96. 

Coleridge, Lord Chief Justice, 184. 

Sara, 184. 

Coles, W., 239. 

College, sale of, 209. 

Collegiate Church of All Saints. See 

All Saints. 

St. Mary. See St. Mary's. 

Warwick, inventory of goods 

in, 58. 
officers of, 56. 



Collegiate Churches, 12, 37. 

chancellor in, 62. 

Grammar Schools in, 13, 71. 

Song Schools in, 71. 

Collings, Francis, 132. 

Colstan, Kobert, 72. 

Commission on Charities, 152, 153, 157. 

Compton, manor of, 24, 26. 

Murdac, 34, 42. 

Conducts, 45. 
Cook, Hugh, 96. 

John, 98. 

Corfe, A. A., 204, 206. 
Cotes, manor of, 14, 25, 34, 35. 
Courtney, W. L., 219. 
Coventry, Abbot of, 12 n., 15. 

bequest to, 194. 

Grammar School, 218, 241. 

and Lichfield, diocese of, 3. 

Craft-gilds, 118. 

Creese, John, 100. 

Cricket, 186, 206, 217, 218, 232, 237-41. 

Cromwell, Thomas, 91. 

Curdworth, John, 147, 148. 

Curli, Kobert, 40, 68. 

Daivile, William of, 40. 

Dashwood, Lady Mary, 231. 

Daunt, Robert H., 232, 243. 

Davies, Robert, 224. 

Deanery, now vicarage, 53. 

Debating Society, 215, 226. 

Dene, Yvo of, 67. 

Derby, 10. 

Dialectic, 78. 

Dissolution of Collegiate Church, 91-96. 

Doles, 137, 152. 

Domesday Book, 2, 12 »., 13, 16, 17, 28. 

Donatus, 72-76. 

Donnegan's Lexicon, 163. 

Drake, Sir Francis, 126. 

Dubricius, St., 27. 

Dudley, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, 114. 

John, Earl of Warwick, 107, 114. 

Dugard, Samuel, 140. 

Thomas, 135, 139. 

Dunstan, Bishop, 51. 
Dyneley, Robert of, 96. 

Eades, John, 140. 
— Richard, 140. 

Roger, 140, 

William, 140-144, 149. 

Earls of Warwick. See Warwick. 

Eastgate Chapel, 163, 209. 
Eddisbury, burh at, 7, 10. 
Edgeworth, Richard, charity of. 200. 
Edward I., 43. 

the Confessor, 3, 4. 

the Elder, 9. 

Earl of Warwick, 103. 

Edwards, Sir William, 89. 
Edwin the bailiff, 5, 25. 

Earl of the Mercians, 16. 

Eilric, 40. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 110, 126. 

visit of, 120. 

Ellay, John, 71. 

Ellen, Richard, 100. 

Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor, 132. 

Emma, Queen, 3. 

Endowment of College, 46, 47, 50. 

Epigrams, Owen's, 124, 125, 127, 129, 

130, 131. 
Escott, T. H. S., 219. 
Essay Society, 218. 
Ethelfled, Lady of the Mercians, 7, 8, 9, 

10, 12, 30. 
Ethelwold, Bishop, 51. 
Ethered, Alderman of the Mercians, 7. 
Eton College, 39. 
Eugenius in. , Pope, 33. 
Everard of St. John, 27. 
Evesham, Abbey of, 9. 
Excommunication, 69, 70. 
Exeter Cathedral, 57. 
Exhibition foundation, 150, 180, 200, 


Fees at the school, 157, 173, 199. 

Felsted School, 199. 

Ferrers, Sir John, 132. 

Fire, Great, of Warwick, 145. 

Fisher, Sir Clement, 132. 

John, 101, 109, 111, 121. 

The Book of, 121. 

MissM. J., 250. 

Mr., 29. 

Fives, 244. 

Flammock, Sir Andrew, 84. 

Foliot, Gilbert, Bishop of Hereford, 30. 

Robert, Bishop of Hereford, 30 n. 

Football, 186, 206, 217, 218, 241. 

Forbes, J. W., 245. 

Fowler, Mrs., 230. 

Freedom of school, limitation in, 136, 

French master, 173, 178, 179. 



Fulke Weale exhibitions, 150, 180, 200, Guy, Earl of Warwick, 83. 
201. ! Guy's Cliff, 82. 

Fullbrook, 34. 
Furneaux, H., 181. 

Games at school, 165-9, 186, 206, 207. 

Gaveston, Piers, 83. 

Gem, Rev. Arthur, 165, 175. 

Geoffrey, brother of Earl Roger, 5. 

George, Rev. H. B., 223. 

Gerin, Robert of, 68. 

Gibson, W. G., 218, 223, 233. 

Giffard, Godfrey, Bishop of Worcester, 

Gifford, Bishop, 141. 
Gild Hall, 101, 107, 111, 131. 
Gild of Holy Trinity and St. George, 95- 

Gildas, 9. 
Gilpin, Bernard, 144, 147. 

Thomas, 144. 

Girls' School, 249. 

Glasgow, Dean and Chapter of, 38. 

Glendalough, seven churches at, 41. 

Gloucester, 10. 

Glover, Thomas, 139. 

Goddard, Dr.,176, 190. 

Godiva, Lady, 15. 

Goisfrid of Wirce, 16. 

Goocliere, Francis, 94. 

Goodwick, Richard, 131. 

Governing body appointed, 172, 17 

Graces, teaching of the, 77. 

Grammar School, grant of, to town, 94, 

(J-rantinesnil, Ivo de, 20. 
Green, T. H., inspection by, 196. 
Greenway, George Cottell, 158. 

Kelynge, 202. 

Greetham, church of, 29, 35, 46, 55 
Grenteinaisnil, Hugo de, l.">. 
Grestain, Abbot of, 48. 
Grete, Richard, 87. 
Greville, Lady Eva, 231. 

Robert, second Lord Brooke, 139. 

Sarah, charity of, 200. 

Qribblt, Francis, 218. 
Griffin's charity, 200. 
Grignon, Mr., 199. 
Grocyn, 126. 
(irundy, Miss, 215. 

Mrs., 215. 

Rev. William, 212-218. 

Gundreda, Countess, 5. 

Gwinnett, S., 178, 185. 
Gymnasium, 233, 245. 

Haigh, Mr. , 215. 

Halebold, R., 16. 

Haley, Margaret, 120. 

Hall, Thomas, 122, 123, 124, 133. 

Hanging Gate, 96, 97. 

Hanorth, J., 251. 

Hardwick, 34. 

Lord, 152. 

Harpsfield, Archdeacon, 126. 
Harris, Mrs., 270. 
Harriss, George, 170. 

Miss, 164. 

Haselore, rectory and manor of, 50. 
Hawes' Pastime of Pleasure, 74. 

Samuel, 149. 

Hayden, O. E., 238, 241. 
Heath, Elizabeth, 147. 

Mrs., 231. 

Robert, 147. 

charity of, 200. 

R. C, 178, 181, 190, 194, 202. 

Henneys, Robert, 76. 
Henry i., 3, 18, 20. 

writ of, 1, 2, 26, 27. 

H., 40. 

writ of, 30. 


viii. 's charity, 103, 107, 195, 204, 

Earl of Warwick, 19, 20, 32, 67. 
deeds of, 23, 24. 

schoolmaster of St. Paul's, 69. 

Hereford, Bishop of, 30. 
Herlwin, priest, 20, 24, 25, 35. 
Hernyngton (Herwyuton), Adam de, 42, 

Hertford, burh at, 9. 
Hewitt, A. S., 240, 241. 
Hexham, Prior of, 48. 
Hexter, W. V. P., 249. 
Hicks, John, 143. 
Hilferton, living of, 158. 
Hill, Mrs. (nee Southey), 184. 
Rev. Herbert, 172, 175-193, 204, 

Hille, 19. 

Hillesley, Thomas, 58. 
Hingham, Ralph de, 44. 
Hirons, Samuel Franklin, 182, 187. 
Thomas, 183. 



Hispanus, Peter, 79. 

Hobbyns (Hopkyns), William, 96. 

Holliday, Henry, 232, 247. 

Honey, tax of, 14. 

Horman, William, 65. 

Horton, 238. 

Hoskins, John, 125, 128. 

Hosmund. See Osmund. 

Hospital at Warwick, 131. 

Bablake, 205. 

Leicester. See Leicester. 

Hostel system, 199. 

Houghton, Grammar School at, 145. 

Howden, Song School at, 71. 

Howell, H., 239. 

Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, 40, 

Hugh, Archdeacon of Worcester, 24. 
Hughes, Rev. W. H.,223. 
Hulls, C. H., 216. 
Hummez, Richard of, 30 n. 
Hunt, Thomas, 132. 

W. E., 240. 

Hunter, Edward, 143. 

Innes, Rev. George, 155-170. 

Innocent n., Pope, 33, 39. 

Inspection of school, 196. 

Inventory of goods in Collegiate Church, 

Irenmonger, John, 98. 
Ison, Anne, 122. 
Clement, 122. 

James, Thomas, 156. 

Jemmatt, Samuel, 140. 

Jerdein, E. S., 239. 

Jerome, St., 73. 

John xxi., Pope, 79. 

Johnson, Anne, charity of, 200, 202, 203. 

A. N.,237. 

Christopher, 125. 

R., 237, 241. 

Johnston, R., 213. 
Jordan, Dean, 66. 
Junior House, 234, 236. 

Keeling, Rev. William Hulton, 246. 

Rev. William Theodore, 246. 

Keighley, V. A. S., 239, 243. 
Kelly, George, 153. 
Kemp, T.,24*., 103, 121. 
Kennedy, A. M., 182. 
Keys, Philip, 42. 

Kineton, Nicholas of, 53. 
King, Gerald, 213. 

John, 132. 

Knight, Thomas, 52. 
Knightley, John, 93. 

Lakin Challenge Bowl, 245. 

Lane, Norman, 212. 

Langherne, Rev. M., 153. 

Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, 91. 

Lawrence, Canon, 88. 

Lea, Miss, 250. 

Leach, Francis, 221, 232. 

Leamington College, 186, 201, 237 et seq. 

Learning by heart, 181, 182, 

Greek, 222, 224. 

Ledsham Mill, 24. 
Leedes, Thomas of, 83. 
Leicester, Corporation of, 194. 

Earl of, 22. 

Henry of, Prior of Coventry, 67. 

Hospital, 101, 109, 111, 114, 119, 207. 

Peter of, 44, 68. 

Ralph of, 67. 

Robert of, Canon of Lichfield, 67. 

Dean, 63, 67, 68. 

Robert Dudley, Earl of, 114. 

St. Mary's in the Castle, 13. 

Meads, 13. 

Newark, 13. 

Simon of, 67. 

William of, 67. 

Leigh, Lord, 209, 226, 232. 
Lesonne, Thomas, 93. 
Leuesham, John, 72. 
Ley, John, 131, 138. 
Library, School, 187. 
Lichfield, Bishop of, 46. 

St. Chad's Cathedral, 3, 41. 

Liddell, John Wishart, 225, 241. 

Limesi, Ralph de, 15. 

Lincoln, Alexander, Bishop of, 3. 

Bishop of, 2. 

Cathedral, Canons at, 40, 41. 

town of, 15. 

Lloyd, Hugh, 125. 

Thomas, 202. 

Lowe, H., 241. 
Lowyke, John, 71. 

William, 71. 

Lydiate (Lydiat, Lydyate), Francis, 151, 

Richard, 148-151. 

Thomas, 148. 




Lynch, A. H., 171, 172. 
Lyndraper, John, 96. 
Lyra, Abbot of, 48. 
Lyttelton, Hon. R. H., 241. 
Mrs. R., 231. 

Mackenzie, Arthur, 188. 

Macmichael, Rev. William Fisher, 207, 

Maier, John, 122. 
Malesmayne, Reginald, 40. 
Malmesbury, William of, 20, 51. 
Malton, William, 72. 
Malvern College, 217. 
Mande villa, R. of, 32. 
Mann, A. H., 239. 
Mar, Geoffrey de la, 32. 
Marrell, Hercules, 122. 
Marris, 214. 
Marsh, Edmund, 71. 
Martin, William, 140. 
Mathematics, study of, 177. 
Maynard, John, 94. 
Meade, Barry, 215. 
Meiggs, Cecil, 247. 
Mellend (Meulan), Count of, 14-17, 20, 

22, 24, 32. 

Waleran, Count of, 22. 

Memorial, South African, 248. 
Mercer, D. L. H., 244. 
Merry weather R. C, 240. 
Middle School, 200, 236, 250. 
Miles, Robert, 47. 
Milverton, 34. 
Milward, Richard, 132. 
Modlen, William, 204. 
Monmouth, Geoffrey of, 9, 27. 
Montague, Rev. John, 180, 196. 
Montfort, Thurstan of, 5, 23, 32. 
Moore, F. H, 178, 180. 

W., 178. 

William, 179. 

M oray, Dean and Chapter of, 38. 
Morkar, Earl of Northumberland, 16. 
Municipal charity trustees appointed, 

Murcot, John, 138. 
Murphy, Herbert, 225. 
Museum, the, 249. 
Myton, 16, 204. 

chapel of, 40. 

Mytton, John, jun., 189. 

Nealb, William, 92. 

Nelson, G. H., 204. 

Mrs., 231. 

Neville, Earl Richard, 58, 86. 
Newburgh, Henry of, 17-20, 22. 

Robert of, 5, 30 n. 

Roger of, 21, 26. 

Newcastle High School, 242. 

New College, fellowships at, 127, 148, 

151, 175. 
Newman, Francis, 192. 

Philip, 186. 

W. S., 178,182, 184, 185. 

Nicholas, Archdeacon of Coventry, 40. 

(Balistarius ?), 15. 

Canon of Warwick, 40, 42, 44. 

Nicholl, Richard, 100. 
Nicholson and Co., Messrs., 230. 
Non-residence of canons, 45. 
Northallerton Grammar and Song 

Schools, 72. 
Northampton, corporation of, 194. 

Robert of, 44. 

Simon, Earl of, 20. 

Nottingham, burh at, 10, 11. 

corporation of, 194. 

Numbers of boys in school, 157, 158, 

164, 178, 196, 199, 204, 208, 217, 218, 

221, 233, 235, 236, 249. 

of canons, 40, 43, 48. 

Nunn, Dr., 243. 

Oken, Thomas, 112, 113, 114. 

's charity, 132, 137, 200. 

Old Warwickian Club, 225, 249. 
Ordeals of iron and water, 2, 3, 32, 35. 
Orderic Vitalis, 11, 17, 18, 20. 
Orebuto, William de, 40. 
Osmond, 42, 45. 

Overlapping in schools, 6, 69, 70, 201. 
Owen, John, 124-134. 
Oxford, mound at, 10, 11. 

poor scholar at, 137. 

St. Edward's School, 237 et se* h 

scholarships at. See scholarships. 

town of, 15. 

Walter, Archdeacon of, 30, 40. 

Page, Frederick Gosnal Jameson, 232, 

234, 237. 
Papal bulls, 33, 39, 50, 75. 
Partridge, R. E. , 240. 
Pecock, Reginald, Bishop of Chichestpr, 

Peel, Lord, 227, 232. 



' Petites ■ School, 87, 113. 
Phelps, John, 151. 
Philpotts, Archdeacon, 126. 
Picart, Mr., 157. 
Pickerel, William of, 44. 
'Piers Plowman,' 74. 
Pilardyngton, rectory of, 46. 
Plaster of paris, Robert, 98. 
Pleysy (Plescy, Plesseto, Plessets), John 
de, Earl, 45, 67. 

Robert, 42, 44, 45, 67. 

Pole, Cardinal, 68. 
Pope Boniface, 50. 

Clement v., 39. 

Eugenius m., 33. 

Innocent n., 33, 39. 

John xxi., 79. 

Nicholas' Taxation, 42, 43, 45. 

Portcullis, The, 159, 227, 231, 232. 
Powell, Thomas, 111. 
Prebend, meaning of, 41. 

of Warwick, 42, 43, 44, 47, 51. 

Precentor, 57. 
Prefect, office of, 213. 
Preston, Richard of, 42. 

Bagot, 44. 

Public Schools, 69. 
Puckering, Sir Henry, 146. 

Sir John, 131. " 

Sir Thomas, 131. 

Pudsey, John, 72. 

Punnett, H. M., 233. 

Puritans and Schools, 138. 

Pyne, H. S., 250. 

Pyriton, Richard of, 42, 47, 86. 

Radcliff, William, 150. 
Ragged staff, emblem of, 7. 
Rainbow Challenge Cup, 244. 

W., 204. 

Rainold, Abbot of Abingdon, 19, 20. 

Ralph, schoolmaster at Canterbury, 76. 

Rawghton, Em, 83. 

Raynor, Rev. P. E., 219, 220. 

Reading School, 237. 

Re-foundation of school, 103-110. 

Relics, list of. 58. 

Repairs of schoolhouse, 147, 148, 149, 

Residence of canons, 49, 50. 
Rhetoric, 78. 

Richard, son of Ascur, 67. 
Richardson, Anschetill, 32. 
Hugh, 23, 25, 32. 

Richardson, Osbern, 23. 

L., 243. 

Ridding, George, 179. 
Rifle Corps, 226, 245. 
Ripon Minster, 56. 
Rivington, Rev. Thurstan, 209. 
Robert, Bishop of Chester, 2. 
Roberts, Rev. James, 153. 

jun., 153. 

Roe, Robert, 157. 

Roger, Earl of Warwick, 2, 5, 26, 31, 32, 

42, 82, 97. 
Rogers, Aaron, 143. 

Edward, 101. 

Round, J. H., Feudal England, 3n., 

Rous, Philip of, 102. 
Row, Richard, 112. 
Rows, John, 2n., 81, 84. 

Latin Roll of, 2 n., 3 n. , 86. 

Rol, 7, 12 n. } 18, 26, 81, 85. 

Rugby School, 155, 156, 176. 
Runcorn, 10. 
Russell, William, 96. 

St. Anne's Chantry, 99. 

St. Chad's Church, Lichfield, 2, 41. 

St. Cross Hospital, 29. 

St. Helen's Church, 29, 34, 46, 48. 

St. James's Church, 35, 39, 46, 96, 


Prebend, 51, 52. 

St. John Baptist's Church, 26, 35, 39, 

45, 46, 86, 111, 131, 145. 
St. John's College, Cambridge, 139, 150. 
St. Lawrence's Church, 34, 39, 46. 
St. Mary's Church, 1, 5, 6, 16, 23, 26 

28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 42, 186. 

Account Roll of, 87. 

constitution of, 37-61. 

dissolution of, 91-96. 

expenses of, 195. 

library in, 84. 

prebends in, 42, 43. 

property of, 34. 

rectory of, 56. 

repairs of, 137. 

salary of Vicar of, 107, 109, 

133, 141, 144. 

• seats for school in, 149. 

union of, with All Saints', 23 


vicarage of, 94. 



St. Michael's Church, 34, 46. 
St. Nicholas' Church, 34, 39, 46. 

parish, 5. 

rectory of, 48, 56. 

vicarage of, 94. 

St. Paul's Cathedral, brass to Owen in, 

canons at, 40, 41. 

precentor at, 57. 

Statutes of, 64. 

Schoolmaster, profits of, 69. 

salary of, 107, 109, 113, 133, 136, 

141, 144. 

statutes for, 63. 

School, 1. 

master of, 69. 

St. Peter's Church, 35, 39, 46, 52, 120, 

130, 163. 
St. Sepulchre's, Prior of, 44,45, 48, 55,56. 

Priory of, 28, 33, 34, 82, 91. 

in St. Helen's, 29. 

St. Stephen's Collegiate Church, 49. 

Sacrist or Treasurer, 57. 

Saffron Walden Grammar School, 77. 

Salary of Mayor, 151. 

Schoolmaster, 107, 109, 113, 

133, 136, 141, 144, 152, 153, 158, 173. 
Usher, 133, 136, 152, 153, 157, 


Vicar of St. Mary's, 107, 109, 

123, 133, 136, 141, 144, 152, 153, 158, 


St. Nicholas', 107, 109, 

133, 136, 152, 153, 171. 
Salewarp, 43. 
Salisbury Cathedral, 31. 

canons at, 40. 

Dean and Chapter of, 37, 38. 

schoolmaster at, 63. 

Statutes of, 64. 

Ela, Countess of, 67. 

John of, 81. 

Sancto Admundo, John de, 40. 

Sanders, Rev. John, 153. 

Savage, John, 143. 

Saxon Chronicle, 7, 10. 

Schemes for reform, 172, 197, 198, 200, 

Scholarships at Oxford, 180, 204, 218, 

223, 226. 
School buildings, 210, 234, 246. 

lists, 178. 

song, 227, 228. 

Schoolmaster, combination of, and vicar, 

121, 122, 173. 

Grammar, 103, 105. 

Ok en's bequest to, 113. 

Petties', 113. 

Schools Inquiry Commission, report of, 

Sekyndon, Thomas, 42. 
Selborne, Lord, 181. 
Seville, Isidore of, 78. 
Sewell, J. E., 175, 179. 
Shadwell, L. L., 134. 
Shakespeare, Thomas, 132. 

Society, 225, 249. 

Shaksheafe, Humphrey, 141. 
Shareshull, William of, 53. 
Sheldon, Philip, 100. 

Robert, 146. 

Sherborne, 34. 

Ship-money, 14. 

Shire Hall, 120. 

Shore, 238. 

Short, Rev. Ambrose, 223. 

Sidney, Sir Philip, 130. 

Site of school, 51, 54, 86, 94, 111, 131, 

145, 204, 209. 
Siward of Arden, 19, 23, 25, 32. 
Skent, Professor, 7 n. 
Skirrow, Walter, 198. 
Smith, H. W., 216. 
Snitterfield, 34. 
Song, Latin, 251. 

Schools, 70, 71, 147. 

Southam, Nicholas of, 42, 98. 
Southwell Minster, 48. 

canons at, 41, 56. 

Spellesbury, rectory of, 50. 
Spooner, W. A., 179, 193. 
Stafford, Castle Church, 13. 

Mahal of, 5. 

Robert of, 5, 15. 

St. Mary's, 13. 

Stamford, burh at, 7, 10, 11. 
Stanton, C. H., 199. 
Statutes for schoolmasters, 63. 

date of, 69. 

Steel, Mr., 157. 
Steen, Herr, 216. 
Stern, Robert, 122. 
Stipends of canons, 50. 
Stockton, Eliezer, 139. 
Stodart, Capt. Henry, 157. 

Isabella, 157. 

Stratford-on-Avon, charter of, 108, 
manor of, 15. 



Stratford-on-Avon, Trinity College, 218, 

237 et sea. 
Sudeley, William of, 102. 
Summers, Sergeant, 245. 
Swimming, 244, 249. 

Tamworth, burh at, 7, 9, 10, 11. 
Tankard, Hugh, 53 n. 

Robert, 53. 

Roger, 53 n. 

Tarver, William, 141. 

W. K., 238. 

Taverner, Richard, 53, 94. 

Robert, 53, 94. 

Roger, 53, 94. 

Theoldus, Bishop of Worcester, 2, 24. 
Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 56. 

Earl of Warwick, 67. 

Thomson, John, 94. 

Thring, Edward, 198. 

Thurgarton, Prior of, 48. 

Thurstan, Archbishop, 62. 

Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester, 81. 

Tourniere, M., 179, 184. 

Towcester, burh at, 10. 

Town-crier, 205. 

Trade, state of, in 1571, 117. 

Trepess, Mr., 247. 

Trust, breach of, 132. 

making of, 137. 

Tuck shop, 216. 
Tuckwell, Rev. W., 181. 
Turchil of Warwick, 15, 16, 18, 19. 
Tylman, William, 98. 

Union of St. Mary's and All Saints', 23- 

University College, London, 190. 
Unsworth, W. P., 231. 
Uppingham School, 198. 
Usher, salary of, 133, 136, 152, 153, 157, 


Van Cortlandt, F. C, 240. 
Varvicensian, Tlie, 217. 
Vaughan, David, Canon, 53, 93, 104. 
Vicars-Choral, 51, 55. 

College of, 42, 56. 

house, 53, 55, 145. 

Visitations of Archdeacons, 39. 
Bishop of Worcester, 43. 

Wade, N. N., 242. 
Wieringwicon, 7. 

Wagstaffe, John, 56, 145. 

Sir Thomas, 145. 

Waite, William, 226, 232. 
Walden, Robert, 99. 
Waleran, Earl, 40, 42, 52, 56, 82. 
Walker, Gilbert, 215. 

John, 99, 100. 

Mr., 135. 

Robert, 98. 


Wall, William, Canon, 53, 93. 
Wallwyn, John, 55, 93. 
Walton Spilebert, 34. 

Theodoric, 34. 

Warin [of Chaucombe], 42, 44. 
Waring, Humfrey, 121, 122. 
Warner, A., 206. 
Warren, A. G., 230. 
Warton, Dr., 155. 

Tom, 155. 

Warwick, bridge at, 102, 137, 152 

burgesses of, 14, 115. 

burh at, 7, 11, 30. 

Canons of, 40, 43, 45, 48, 52, 56. 

Castle, 10, 15, 17, 18, 31, 231. 

Corporation of, 142, 151. 

Countess of (1893), 231. 

— (1903), History of Earls of, 
23 n. 

— Dean of, 52, 57, 83. 

— Earl of (1874), 202, 204, 232. 

— Earls of — see under names. 




John Dudley. 

John de Plesseto. 

Richard Beauchamp. 

■ Richard Neville. 



Thomas Beauchamp. 



— fire at, 145. 

— hospital at, 131. 

— incorporation of, 103. 

— Lady Anne of, 86, 101. 

— Margaret, Countess of, 67. 

— Mayor of, 102, 142, 151. 

— mound at, 10. 

— town of, 13, 15, 35. 

— Turchil of. See Turchil. 

Warwickshire, sheriff of, 3, 51. 



Way, Miss, 221. 

Mrs., 221, 231. 

Rev. John Pearce, 219-236, 241. 

Weale, Fulke, 150, 180, 209. 
Wedgwood, William, 19. 
Wellesbourne, tithe of, 34. 
Wells Cathedral, 48. 
Weryng, John, 100, 121. 
Westbury Collegiate Church, 46. 

prebend at, 44. 

Wetwood (Wattwoode), John, 92. 

Wheatley, Thomas, charity of, 201. 

White, Sir Thomas, 194. 

White's charity, 194, 195, 197, 200, 202. 

Whittington, Robert, Canon, 53, 93. 

Whittlesey, Bishop William of, 46, 86. 

Wigmore, burh at, 10. 

Wilding, E.A.,244. 

Wilkyns, John, 99. 

William i., 3, 17. 

ii., 3, 19. 

Earl of Warwick, 40, 52, 67. 

son of Ansculf, 15. 

son of Corbucion, 16. 

Williams, Lord Keeper, 133. 
Williamson, Peter, 25, 32. 
Wimund, the chaplain, 32, 35. 
Winchester College, 73, 79, 89, 125, 126, 

148, 151, 155, 175, 176, 181. 
Winter, Dr. Samuel, 138. 

Witteney, Margery, 88. 

William, 88. 

Wittlesford, rectory of, 50. 
Wolfhamcote, rectory of, 50. 
Wolverhampton Collegiate Church, 

Wooll, Dr., 176. 
Worcester, Archdeacon of, 39. 

Geoffrey, 30. 

Hugh, 24. 

Bishop Godfrey Giffard, 43. 

Latimer, 91. 

■ Simon, 32, 33. 

Theoldus, 2, 15, 24. 

Diocese of, 3. 

John Tiptoft, Earl of, 81. 

Writ of Henry I., 1, 2,26,27. 

ii., 30. 

Writing-master, 173, 178. 
Wroth, E. C.,240. 

Walter, 93. 

Wykeham, William of, 68, 73, 79. 
Wykewane, 43. 
Wynchcombe, Dan Thomas, 9. 

York, 10. 

Minster, 48. 

Canons at, 40, 41, 46. 

statutes of, 62. 

St. Peter's School, 1. 

Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 
at the Edinburgh University Press 



















• o 

<4 & 


» +? 






University of Toronto 








Acme Library Card Pocket